| # | 漢語/英語/拼音 | 英語解說 |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | XIANG’ER JIE xiang’er jie 想爾戒 | XIANG’ER COMMENTARY PRECEPTS. The Xiang’er jie is a set of 27 moral precepts derived from Xiang’er Commentary to the Laozi (Laozi Xiang’er zhu). As extracted from the commentary they have been translated by Stephen Bokenkamp (1997). Since these rules occur in the commentary, the date of their origination parallels that of the text and the community that produced it. The Xiang’er precepts may be identified in three locations in the Daoist Canon: Classic Regulations of the Most High Lord Lao (Taishang Laojun jinglu, CT 786), Classic Injunctions of the Worthy of the Dao and Its Virtue (Taishang jingjie, CT 787), and Selections from the Essential Liturgies and Observances (Yaoxiu keyi jielu chao, CT 463). As given by Bokenkamp, the 27 precepts are as follows: 1. Do not delight in deviance. Delight is the same as anger. 2. Do not waste your jing and qi. 3. Do not injure the ascendant qi. 4. Do not consume beasts that contain blood, delighting in their flavor. 5. Do not envy the achievements and fame of others. 6. Do not practice false arts (methods) or point to any object and call i tDao. 7. Do not neglect the law [the doctrine and ritual practices of the community]. 8. Do not act recklessly. 9. Do not kill or speak of killing. 10. Do not study deviant texts. 11. Do not covet glory or seek it strenuously. 12. Do not seek fame. 13. Do not be deceived by your ears, eyes, or mouth. 14. Place yourself in a humble position. 15. Do not slight [the Dao] or become agitated. 16. Consider carefully all undertakings, and do not be flustered. 17. Do not pamper your body with good clothes and fine foods. 18. Do not allow [your emotions and vital forces] to overflow. 19. Do not, through poverty, seek strenuously after wealth. 20. Do not commit any of the various evil acts. 21. Do not overly observe the interdictions and taboos. 22. Do not pray or sacrifice to demons and spirits. 23. Do not be obstinate. 24. Do not consider yourself inerrant. 25. Do not contend with others over right and wrong. When you meet the contentious, flee them. 26. Do not proclaim [yourself to be a] sage or contribute to the fame of the mighty. 27. Do not delight in arms. |
| 2 | LAOZI XIANG’ER ZHU laozi xiang’er zhu 老子想爾注 | XIANG’ER COMMENTARY TO THE LAOZI. From 1900–1910, the Dunhuang manuscripts were discovered in caves located on the ancient northwestern Silk Road. One of these was a partial version of the Daodejing (aka Laozi), representing chapters 3 through 37 of the received text, and having amplifications and comments interspersed with the text. This work is now cataloged in the British Museum as Stein manuscript S. 6825 and named the Xiang’er Commentary (i.e., Laozi Xiang’er zhu). The first modern study and critical edition of the text was published by Rao Zongyi in 1956. A reliable English translation of the text is Steven Bokenkamp (1997). This commentary is important not only for the text of the Laozi used by the writer, but also because it represents one of the few surviving major documents from the early period of the Celestial Masters (Tianshi). It is possible that the text found at Dunhuang is a version of the one attributed to the founder of the Way of the Celestial Masters (Tianshi dao) movement, Zhang Daoling, by both Tang emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–757) and Daoist ritual master Du Guangting (850–933). Moreover, use of the term xiang’er in the Celestial Master work known as the Commands and Precepts for the Great Family of the Dao (Dadao jialing jie), which dates prior to 255, seems to be a reference to the title of the text. If the title is mentioned, then the original Xiang’er must predate 255. Ninji Ofuchi’s inquiry into the history of the text finds that it has most often been attributed to Zhang Lu, the grandson of Zhang Daoling. Rao Zongyi takes the position that it was written by Zhang Lu but based on the teachings of Zhang Daoling (Rao 1956). While we may associate the Xiang’er with the Celestial Masters tradition, we can also notice its connections with the methods of Mysterious Learning (Xuanxue, aka Neo-Daoism)—that is, the goal of the author is to unlock the mysterious teachings of the Daodejing. The pursuit of the esoteric knowledge of the Yijing (Classic of Changes), Laozi, and Zhuangzi is one way of grouping a set of texts into what we call Neo-Daoism or Xuanxue. In the case of the Xiang’er, this term refers specifically to the method of didactic homily used by the author in approaching the Laozi text, offering instruction to the libationers (jijiu) or leaders of the Celestial Masters centers (zhi). The author’s objective is to set out the mysterious knowledge of the Daodejing necessary for the leaders of the community to perform their tasks. This goal also explains why the Xiang’er is not, in any strict sense, interested in trying to perform as we might think a commentary should. It does not seek to recover the original intent of the authors/compilers of the Daodejing, the historical context for its sayings, or even the way in which a text complements Daoist themes and emphases already known in the 2nd century. Its Xuanxue approach is what gives the reader the sense that the commentary often totally misses what appears to be the obvious meaning of the Daodejing text and even accounts for the actual alteration of the clear meaning of the text in some places (see line 321). Contrary to the Zhuangzi and the surface meaning of the Daodejing, the commentary does not object to the use of such Confucian moral virtues as benevolence (ren) and appropriateness (yi). For the author, they derive from the Dao, and the text only laments that these virtues are not actualized in his present age by people who are following the Dao. If the Xiang’er does represent some of the earliest teachings of the Celestial Masters, it is noteworthy that there is no hint at longevity through elixir in this work, although the text is definitely concerned with health, cure of illness, and longevity. It is more dependent on notions related to the Book of the Masters of Huainan (Huainanzi) and the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi) traditions than anything like external alchemy (waidan). This work likely reflects our best source for the teachings that made up something like the covenant ‘revealed’ to Zhang Daoling on Hemingshan and called the ‘One Correct Covenant and Way’ (Zhengyi mengwei). So, this commentary is quite revealing. It shows that although the Celestial Masters may have been pursuing a way leading to Great Peace (Taiping) and even longevity, it almost certainly had nothing to do with elixir practice. Longevity and Great Peace are not pursued in the Xiang’er by elixir-making, nor even by dietetic practices, but by morality. Living by a set of precepts that the commentator associates with following the Dao is the key that unlocks longevity, and this is as much an ontological/cosmological statement as it is a moral one. Illness is cured by confession and ritualized in talismans (fu) but always connected to restoring one’s morality. Sickness is prevented by fol lowing the moral rules of the Dao and thereby retaining its qi inside the body. Demon spirits are enemies that enter one’s body because of immoral action. They could wreak havoc on one’s organs. So, the text says, ‘Keeping the precepts of the Dao, we amass good deeds, which accrue merit and assemble our essences to form spirits. Once the spirits are formed, we enjoy the longevity of the immortals (xian 僊). In this way we find our bodies reassured’ (lines 162–63). The sage (shengren), patterning himself on the Dao, think sonly of accumulating good deeds to achieve physical longevity (line 351). How does following the precepts of the Dao make possible long life and even biospiritual transformation into what the text calls immortals (xian)? The author of Xiang’er offers an explanation for the connection between morality, health, and longevity. Relying on the Five Phase Physics (wuxing), he teaches that immoral action throws these phases out of balance inside our bodies (lines 21–25). When an imbalance of the Five Phases occurs, the qi is pushed out and the body is closed off, preventing its return, ultimately resulting in death. A way of healing is offered by the Xiang’er Commentary, found in turning from evil and practicing the Dao’s precepts. When one does so, the qi will return to the body. ‘When people practice the Dao and honor the precepts, the subtle qi return to them’ (line 186). Since following the moral way of Dao is so important to one’s longevity, how are the Dao’s precepts known? Bokenkamp identifies 27 precepts occurring in the Xiang’er. He extracts them from throughout the commentary and provides a list, along with nine precepts derived from the Laozi (Bokenkamp 1997: 49–50). According to the Xiang’er, in the practice of a meditative stillness in the quiet room (jingshi), the subject enters another state of consciousness. He becomes clear and luminous in his understanding and will. ‘Knowing how to treasure the root in clarity and stillness is the constant method (the eternal way) of restoring life’ (line 220). This is not clarity in language, mental concept, or even feeling, but the clarity of how to move, which is called wuwei, following the Dao. |
| 3 | XIANGLU. xianglu 香爐.香罏 | See INCENSE BURNER, XIANGLU 香爐. |
| 4 | XIAODAO LUN xiaodao lun 笑道論 | See ESSAYS TO LAUGH AT THE DAO, XIAO-DAO LUN 笑道論. |
| 5 | XIN xin 心 | See HEART, MIND, HEART-MIND, XIN 心. |
| 6 | XING AND MING xing and ming 性命 | See INNER NATURE AND DESTINY, XING 性 AND MING 命. |
| 7 | XINGQI xingqi 行氣 | See CIRCULATING BREATH, XINGQI 行氣. |
| 8 | XINZHAI xinzhai 心齋 | See FASTING OF THE HEART-MIND, XINZHAI 心齋. |
| 9 | XIWANGMU xiwangmu 西王母 | See QUEEN MOTHER OF THE WEST, XIWANGMU 西王母. |
| 10 | XUANWU. xuanwu 玄武.真武 | See ZHENWU 真武, PERFECTED WARRIOR (AKA XUAN- WU 玄武, DARK WARRIOR OR MYSTERIOUS WARRIOR). |
| 11 | XUANXUE xuanxue 玄學 | See MYSTERIOUS LEARNING, XUANXUE 玄學. |
| 12 | YANG XI yang xi 楊羲 | (330–386) For a person of such great importance in Daoism, little is known for certain about the life of spirit medium (jitong) Yang Xi. He lived in Jurong (near Nanjing, Jiangsu province) and was a calligrapher. What is crucial is that between 364–370, he received a series of nightly visions in which Perfected Persons (zhenren) from the Shangqin gHeaven appeared to him and revealed a number of holy instructions. Among these Perfected Persons was Wei Huacun, and she became Yang’s ‘mysterious master’ (xuanshi). While in an ecstatic state in the presence of these Perfected Persons, Yang wrote down the content of their revelations, along with the name and description of each Perfected being. The resulting texts became the foundation of the Shangqing lineage of Daoism, and they were also the principal source for Tao Hongjing’s Declarations of the Perfected (Zhengao, CT 1016). This text preserves a retelling of Yang Xi’s visions and a transcript of the incantations he used to call the numinal spirits. Yang was instructed to transmit these revealed texts into the keeping of the Xu family. The Xus were an aristocratic family of some wealth and political standing in Jurong. They were also related to the Ge family (the forbearers of Ge Hong) and the Tao family (ancestors of Tao Hongjing). The head of the Xu family was Xu Mai (300–348), who renounced his official career and became a disciple of Bao Jing (?–c. 330), the father-in-law of Ge Hong and an alchemist in his own right. Xu Mai practiced pharmacology, alchemy, and meditation. In 346, just a few years before Yang Xi began receiving his revelations, Xu changed his name to Xu Xuan and moved to the mountains, where he ‘disappeared in broad daylight’ (i.e., became an immortal [xian]). Xu Mi (303–376), who was Xu Mai’s younger brother, continued to work as an official and supported Yang’s activities and protected him. In later life, he retired to Maoshan, Jiangsu province. Xu Mi’s third son, Xu Hui (341–c. 370), left his wife and family, and moved to Maoshan to become Yang’s disciple. |
| 13 | YANGSHENG yangsheng 養生 | See NOURISHING LIFE, YANGSHENG 養生. |
| 14 | HUANGDI huangdi 黃帝 | YELLOW EMPEROR. According to tradition, the Yellow Emperor was the third of ancient China’s mythological emperors. As the legend goes, he was born in 2704 BCE, and became emperor in 2697 BCE. The Yellow Emperor is also an important numinal being in Daoism. He is a cultural hero to whom various accomplishments and discoveries important to the development of human civilization are ascribed. He is credited with th einvention of the calendar; the first planting of crops; techniques for constructing homes and buildings; the art of weaving clothes; the design of musical instruments; the invention of the bow and arrow, wheels and carts, writing, and boats; and the development of medicine. His wife was reputed to have taught women how to breed silkworms and weave silk. There are several Chinese mythical traditions about the Yellow Emperor in history, and they were generally combined into a coherent reinterpretation during the Han dynasty. The three principal myths include a tradition that the Yellow Emperor was a heavenly god, a second that reported he was an ideal ruler of the distant past whose exemplary leadership was attributable to his practice of wu-wei in following the Dao, and a third that said he was the patron and source of the ancient practices of methods known by the masters of techniques (fangshi). The Qin dynasty priests and rulers venerated the Yellow Emperor as the god (di) of the center direction. Han emperors preserved the belief system honoring the five heavenly Gods (north, south, east, west, and center), but gradually the Yellow Emperor was replaced by the Great One (Taiyi). We may wonder why the character huang (yellow) is used in reference with this deity. The reason is that huang is employed for not only a color, but also ‘august,’ ‘venerable,’ and ‘superior.’ Accordingly, the heavenly gods of the other directions were subject to the Yellow Emperor. This position of ascendance accompanied the belief that the Yellow Emperor was the father of all the Chinese peoples, at least all the noble families. Both the Records of the Historian (Shiji, ch.1) and the Zhuangzi (ch. 11) associate the Yellow Emperor with the position of ruling the perfect kingdom of the distant past, from which later rulers have deviated. In this role, the Yellow Emperor once left his court, went into the mountains, practiced stillness, and was able to move in wu-wei. Then he returned to rule the ideal kingdom. There are numerous texts in which the Yellow Emperor is presented as seeking advice from immortals (xian) and daoshi masters. One of these is the first four chapters of the Ten Questions (Shiwen) text from the Mawangdui manuscripts, in which masters of longevity and nourishing life techniques (yangsheng) respond to the Yellow Emperor’s inquiries. Another includes passages from the Inner Classic of the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi neijing). In the Han dynasty, the Yellow Emperor and the Divine Husbandman (Shennong) were associated, and in the bibliography of the History o f the Former Han (Hanshu), the Yellow Emperor is connected to numerous works on medicine and the techniques of longevity and medicines of immortality or transcendence (xianyao). The Yellow Emperor’s association in various tales with potters and blacksmiths became the basis for attributing alchemical mastery to him. |
| 15 | HUANG-LAO huang-lao 黃老 | YELLOW EMPEROR-LAOZI DAOISM. The termHuang-Lao was first used in the Han dynasty in the 2nd century BCE to refe rto a lineage of Daoist thinkers and practitioners; however, some sources claim that the lineage of Huang-Lao master teachers goes back to the Warring States and the thinkers gathered at the Jixia Academy. There are evidences of Huang-Lao teachings in the writings of Xunzi (c. 335–238 BCE) and Hanfeizi (c. 280–233 BCE). The received text of the Zhuangzi has a large number of text logia reflecting an interest in Yellow Emperor Daoist themes and their teachings, partially accounting for the perceived internal contradictions in the Zhuangzi about such matters as whether the adept should involve himself with government and what role wu-wei plays in state administration. Among its other emphases, the Zhuangzi constructs a Daoist ideal by means of Yellow Emperor sentiments and teachings. The characteristic mode of conduct that identifies the sage (shengren) in the Huang-Lao materials of the Zhuangzi is wu-wei. Instead of using the term Perfected Person (zhenren) for the realized Daoist, the Yellow Emperor passages prefer sage. The sage does not make distinctions, value riches, or worry about early death. The sage’s ability to move through life by wu-wei is directly traceable to the fact that he takes his stand in the original source, and his understanding extends to the spiritual (Watson 1968). In the face of the ebb and flow of life’s experiences, the sage is ‘like a quail at rest’ and totally unmoved in emotion or thought. The Huang-Lao text blocks of the Zhuangzi likewise teach that one should set aside ‘knowledge’ as defined and constructed by human reason and argument. One passage stressing an alternative approach taken from these materials is the following: The Yellow Emperor went wandering north of the Red Water, ascended the slopes of Kunlun, and gazed south. When he got home, he discovered he had lost his Dark Pearl. He sent Knowledge to look for it, but Knowledge couldn’t find it. He sent the keen-eyed Li Chu to look for it, but Li Chu couldn’t find it. He sent Wrangling Debate to look for it, but Wrangling Debate couldn’t find it. At last he tried employing Shapeless, and Shapeless found it. The Yellow Emperor said, ‘How odd! In the end it was Shapeless who was able to find it!’ (Watson 1968: 129) Additionally, whereas in chapters 1–7 of Zhuangzi, the friendship and disputation between Zhuangzi and the brilliant debater Huizi form the background for a rejection of the use of argument and debate, in the Huang-Lao materials this teaching is brought home through a series of text blocks that are critical of Confucius and usually portray Laozi as his teacher and master. Laozi and Confucius Text Blocks in the Yellow Emperor Strata of the Zhuangzi, Chapters 12–14 1.Dialogue with Confucius (called by his personal name, Kong Qiu), in which Laozi attacks rhetoricians (like Confucius) and those who try to make plans and strategies for trying to do something. Their fate will be disastrous, like that of a nimble monkey and rat-catching dog. They must forget all this. 2.Dialogue with Confucius about the 12 classics he wants to put in the royal library. But when Laozi finds that the central thrusts of those works are the distinctions of benevolence and righteousness, the flags that only bring confusion to men, he refuses to accept them. 3.Dialogue with Confucius, who complains that he has not found the dao in benevolence and righteousness. Laozi tells him that this is not surprising, that he should instead rest in wu-wei. 4.Dialogue with Confucius in which Laozi again condemns running around trying to practice benevolence and righteousness, and recommends instead being natural, like the white of the goose and the black of the crow. 5.Dialogue with Confucius as Kong Qiu concerning the fact that no ruler listens to him as he takes his six classics to them. Laozi says it is a good thing they do not listen, and he criticizes the six classics as wornout paths, with the dialogue concluding by Confucius realizing he must act naturally. (Littlejohn 2010) In making his point about rulership, the Yellow Emperor, in the Zhuangzi, says that in his early period of rule, he used benevolence (ren) and appropriateness (yi) to meddle with the minds of men. What followed was a history of consternation and confusion, all the way down to the Confucians and Mohists, who are mentioned by name (Watson 1968). But after the Yellow Emperor visited Master Guangcheng on top of Kongtong Mountain (i.e., the Mountain of Emptiness and Identity), he learned the essence of the Perfect Dao, and so when he returned to rule, he followed wu-wei, his people experienced Great Peace (Taiping), and he became an immortal (xian) (Watso n 1968). The Yellow Emperor creates disaster when he rules as a Confucian would, meddling with peoples’s minds, but when he rules in wu-wei, he is glorified. Additionally, parts of the Spring and Autumns of Mr. Lu (Luhi chunqiu) and sections of Dong Zhongshu’s (c. 195–115 BCE) Profusion of Dew on the Spring and Autumn Annals (Chunqiu fanlu) show indications of influence from Yellow Emperor Daoism. One of the most prominent philosophers attracted to Huang-Lao thought was Sima Tan (?–110 BCE), the father of Sima Qian (145?–86? BCE), author of the Records of the Historian (Shiji). Huang-Lao teachings are generally regarded as the principal ideas behind the text Book of the Masters of Huainan (Huainanzi, 139 BCE). Moreover, as either mediated through Book of the Masters of Huainan or by means of informal transmission, Huang-Lao Daoism also seems to have influenced both the Yellow Turban (Huangjin zhi luan) Great Peace movement and the Way of the Celestial Masters (Tianshi dao). The precise characteristics of Huang-Lao thought are still matters of dispute. Robin D. S. Yates and other scholars argue that the four texts in the front of Laozi B discovered in the Mawangdui manuscripts may be the long-lost Four Classics of the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi sijing), the core text of Yellow Emperor-Laozi thought. The principal teachings gleaned from this text include a thoroughgoing naturalism (not materialism) that is nevertheless animated by qi energy throughout. Natural processes are moved according to a Way (Dao) that operates normatively just left to itself. Humans may align with Dao through stillness and clarity, gaining the penetrating insight (shenming) revealed in one’s wu-wei conduct. Rulership derives its fulfillment, as all other roles do, from movement with Dao. The result of such leadership and community participation is a Great Peace (Taiping). |
| 16 | HUANGJINZHI LUAN huangjinzhi luan 黃巾之亂 | YELLOW TURBANS, YELLOW TURBAN REBELLION. The Yellow Turban movement was a rebellion against the Han dynasty organized in Northeast China beginning in 184, with the goal of establishing the Way of Great Peace (Taiping dao). The Classic of Great Peace (Taiping jing, CT 1101a) represents a record of the ideas that inspired the movement, led by Zhang Jue (d. 184), who came from Julu, Hebei province. Yellow Turban ideology was saturated with the cosmology of Five Phase Physics (wuxing) and organized itself accordingly. Zhang Jue took the title ‘General of Heaven’ (tiangong jingjun), and his two brothers, who were also leaders in the movement, were known as ‘General of Earth’ (digong jiangjun) and ‘General of Humanity’ (rengong jiangjun), echoing the tripartite structure of the worldview of the Three Offices (Sanguan) in Daoism. Moreover, the movement depended on the cyclical understanding of the changes of the Five Phases, according to which even phases of human governmen t were reflected as colors. The cycle of dynasties and that of colors moved together. The change occurring in the rise of Zhang Jue’s movement was the change from red to yellow. Thus, the name ‘Yellow Turbans’ referred to the coming rise of the yellow dispensation under Heaven’s rule. Zhang believed the Han rule was under Fire (red) and the subsequent rule would have to be Soil, and the color of soil was yellow. Accordingly, the followers of the movement wore yellow headscarves or turbans (huangjin). The year in which the rebellion began was chosen according to the Five Phase (wuxing) cosmology as well. The year 184 was a jiazi year, meaning that it marked the beginning of a new 60-year cycle of history. The Yellow Turban movement shared some practices also found in the Way of the Celestial Masters (Tianshi dao), including confession of moral transgressions as a method of healing, drinking talismanic water (fushui), and reciting spells to bind ghosts. The movement was quite evangelistic, with a sustained effort to bring in new initiates and converts. The revolution was quelled within about one year, and the rebels were killed, scattered, or ended up joining the forces of various warlords of the period, notably Cao Cao (c. 155–220). Some of the members of this movement may have migrated into Sichuan and become part of the Celestial Masters centers there. |
| 17 | YI yi一 | See ONENESS, THE ONE, YI 一. |
| 18 | YIJING yijing 易經 | See CLASSIC OF CHANGES, YIJING 易經. |
| 19 | YIN AND YANG yin and yang 陰陽 | According to the Daoist worldview, reality is generated from the One by the interaction of yin and yang. In Daodejing 40, yin and yang play a central role. Dao produces the One. The One produces two. Two produces three. Three produces the myriad creatures. The myriad creatures shoulder yin and embrace yang, and by blending these qi they attain harmony. (Ivanhoe 2002) Yin and yang are not kinds of things in addition to qi. Yin and yang are not things, not even spiritual things. To take them in this way is to make what philosophers call a ‘category mistake.’ Another way of saying this is that language about yin and yang is nonreferential. When reading about traditional Chinese medicine that makes extensive use of the concepts yin and yang, we must be careful to remember this fact: To say that one is sick because she has too much yang does not refer to some overabundance of a quantity o f some substance called yang, even if it resembles grammatically a statement like, ‘There is too much water in your bucket.’ One way of noticing that these terms are not names of some substance is in seeing how they are used in political discourse. A minister is yin in relation to his ruler but yang in relation to his subjects. Even though yin and yang are nonreferential, they still have an important use in the ontology of early China. As concepts in Chinese ontology, they explain how qi takes the variant forms that constitute reality. The term yin as first used in the Spring and Autumn Annals originally denoted the shady side of a hill, while yang was the sunny. Thus, the two terms came to be used for complementary forces: female–male, passive–active, night–day, moon–sun, and the like. In about the 3rd century BCE, yin and yang were annexed into the explanatory language of Five Phase Physics (wuxing). For example, water and metal correspond to winter and autumn, all being yin. Fire and wood correspond to summer and spring, all being yang. Only earth is neutral and positioned as the center. The more complicated Five Phase physics (wuxing) became, the more extended uses of yin and yang also came about. For example, these concepts became part of the language covering directions as well (i.e., East and South are yang; West and North are yin). Yin and yang are also operators in the language of traditional Chinese medicine. Illnesses of various sorts are attributable to excesses and deficiencies of either yin or yang. Yin and Yang also became part of the grammar of the Yijing (Classic o fChanges) and the Eight Trigrams (bagua) and 64 hexagrams. In that text, the point being made is that yin and yang affect every change in the universe, notably human history. The proper functioning of yin and yang was a concern of those following the Way of the Celestial Masters (Tianshi dao), and their most controversial ritual, merging qi (heqi), had this goal as its ultimate end. At the same time, the intention to pursue longevity whether by external alchemy (waidan) or inner alchemy (neidan) sometimes involved inverting the process of yin and yang. Some neidan techniques were designed to cultivate a pure yang qi by eliminating yin from the inner five viscera (wuzang) and organs. |
| 20 | YIQIE DAOJING YINYI yiqie daojing yinyi一切道經音義 | See COMPLETE DAOIST CLASSICS, WITHPHONETIC AND SEMANTIC GLOSSES, YIQIE DAOJING YINYI 一切道經音義. |