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| # | 漢語/英語/拼音 | 英語解說 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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| 1 | A-Z The A to Z of Taoism | The A to Z of Taoism Contents Preface Note on Spelling Abbreviations Table of Chinese Dynasties Chronology of Taoist History Introduction The Dictionary Bibliography Appendix: Centers of Taoist Study and Practice Today About the Author Dedication To the many generations of my students of Taoism at the University of Saskatchewan and other friends in the Tao who helped me in my search for the Way. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 2 | A-Z Introduction Starting on the Way | Starting on the Way Taoism is one of the major streams of China’s cultural history. Its subtle and mysterious ways have helped to shape the “mind” of China, or perhaps, more accurately, its “soul,” i.e., its emotional and intuitive aspects. Its deep influence has been acknowledged in such expressions as “the Taoist in every Chinese”—perhaps one could say “the Taoist in every human.” Indeed, Taoism strikes a familiar chord in all those who come into contact with it, and often one hears an initiate say: “There is nothing really new about this Tao; I have always known it implicitly.” Taoism eludes a precise definition. Even today, those who specialize in studying the Tao do not easily agree on its nature and manifestations. In this introductory essay, the complexity of Taoism will be discussed, and new insights into its nature and its various expressions will be formulated. Even though this vision is not necessarily the correct one (in Taoism, there probably is no such thing as absolute truth!), hopefully the discussion will provide all the necessary ingredients for a great banquet. How each reader will cook up a dinner is impossible to predict. “Streams” of wine, however, will not be missing, as the banquet must be enjoyable to be true. Otherwise, it would not be the Tao. Right from the start, it must be stated that western scholarship has made the distinction between a Taoist school of philosophy and a Taoist religion. How the two “streams” or “branches” relate to each other is still a controversial matter. The distinction between two Taoisms is not just a western device; it is found in the Chinese tradition itself. The Chinese language has two distinct terms for Taoism, for which western equivalents are not easy to find. The first term is Tao-chia/Daojia (“School of the Way,” Graham, 1989: 171), a name given by Han scholars when they wanted to systematize the various schools of thought current during the late Warring States period (480–221 BCE). They distinguished Ju-chia/Rujia (Confucianism), Fa-chia/Fajia (Legalism), Tao-chia (Taoism), etc., as various intellectual traditions, or “schools of thought.” Under this Tao-chia heading, they included the Tao-te ching and the Chuang-tzu (see below). During that stage of intellectual growth, “Taoism” was just a distinct “school of thought,” or, as it was later called, a school of philosophy. The other term is Tao-chiao/Daojiao (“Doctrine of the Way,” Graham 1989: 171) currently translated as Taoist Religion. The term probably was coined during the Han period, and used to identify a new religious movement arising in the 2nd century CE with Chang Tao-ling/Zhang Daoling as founder. The character chiao/jiao of Tao-chiao means “[to] teach; teaching, doctrine; instruction; to command, make” (ADC, 71), and, thus, Tao-chiao literally means “Taoist teaching, Taoist doctrine.” It was used to indicate the Taoist religion, probably in imitation of Fo-chiao, “Buddhist teaching, Buddhist doctrine,” the name given to Buddhism in the 2nd century when it was entering China (see N. Sivin, 1978). A further extension of the term chiao arose during early medieval times, perhaps during the T’ang (618–906 BCE), when Confucianism was linked with Taoism and Buddhism. Together, they were called san-chiao/sanjiao or the “Three Teachings,” at a time when proponents of a new movement, often called syncretism, started to emphasize the underlying oneness of the three. It is not clear whether these intellectuals understood chiao in san-chiao in the sense of “teaching” or of “religion.” The terms certainly gave occasion to misinterpretation. The Buddhist and Taoist “teachings” were indeed held and propagated by religious bodies. In the late 19th century, the new expression tsung-chiao/zongjiao was created to become the Chinese equivalent of the western term “religion.” It further encouraged misunderstanding of san-chiao. It was taken for granted that san-chiao meant the three religions of China: Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. This totally wrong translation also caused the most important aspect of Chinese religiosity, the Popular religion, to be ignored and neglected by Chinese and western scholars. This long digression is necessary to understand that the term Tao-chiao, literally meaning “Doctrine of the Way” or “Teaching about the Tao,” in fact came to be used to indicate the Taoist Religion. Although more and more western scholars today have started to subscribe to the theory of one Taoist body, rather than seeing Taoism as divided, this view needs clarification. The discussion will be taken up in the conclusion. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 3 | A-Z Introduction The Nature of Taoism | The Nature of Taoism In a recent article, L. Thompson summarizes thirteen different answers given by Japanese scholars to the question, “What is Taoism?” (Thompson 1993: 9–22). Since the question was formulated in Japanese, which uses the term Tao-chiao, one expects an emphasis on the “religious aspects” of Taoism. Yet among the thirteen voices, several mention the Taoist philosophy as part of Tao-chiao. Besides the clearly religious components of the Taoist religion, such as Lao-tzu’s divinization, worship of Taoist deities, the Taoist priesthood and monastic life, other aspects are included that are not essentially Taoist and not necessarily religious. This, fairly obviously, causes confusion. Several authors mention ancient popular beliefs and shamanism as the origin and foundation of Taoism. They may be considered somewhat correct, as long as one remembers that the original Heavenly Masters strongly rejected and reacted against unorthodox popular practices, called kui-tao (the way of the ghosts). From this discussion, two principles seem to emerge concerning the nature of Taoism. First, Taoism cannot be strictly identified with a variety of Chinese practices and theories that properly belong to the overall Chinese spiritual world view. In this category fall the theories of Yin-Yang and the Five Agents (or Phases), which are not essentially Taoist but universally Chinese, although Taoism, like Confucianism, adopted them into its own system. Further, excluded from the confines of Taoism are shamanism and mediumistic cults, divination, feng-shui, calendar and festivals, and even the areas of outer alchemy, healing, science, technology, and the martial arts. All these areas of study and practice have connections with Taoism, but cannot be bluntly identified with it. Even if they are included in our subsequent discussion, they should not be mistaken as essentially Taoist phenomena. What, then, is the nature of Taoism? In very general terms, one may call it the Chinese cultural system focusing on the Tao (the Way), but that is too vague to be of any practical use. All Chinese schools discuss the nature of Tao. Taoism is a cultural tradition with several streams, which are sometimes independent, sometimes converging, sometimes separating once more. The sources of these streams are different, even if in the course of their development they occasionally converge, either spontaneously or by human effort. The streams of Taoism most commonly acknowledged as separate are the Taoist philosophy, the Taoist religion, and the Taoist Immortality Cults. The problem of their mutual relationships will be handled in the conclusion. For now, we accept the existence of these streams, or branches, for a working hypothesis. The analysis of what each stream involves will give us clues for solving the problem of unity as opposed to multiplicity. The nature of Taoism also will be taken up in greater detail at the end of this introduction. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 4 | A-Z Introduction Antecedents and Parallel Developments | Antecedents and Parallel Developments Philosophical schools and religious traditions do not arise in a vacuum. Confucius acknowledged his reliance on the past, even though he founded a school of his own. Taoist philosophers and Taoist religious leaders of later times also are indebted to a wide variety of cultural traditions actively vibrant, though not systematized, during the Chou period (1030?-221 BCE). Clear, concise influences, however, remain difficult to pinpoint. Antecedents of the Tao-chia can be found in the cosmological speculations recorded in the Classic of Change, or Yi ching/Yijing, the “. . . perhaps single most important text in the Chinese philosophical tradition” (Shaughnessy, 1994: 72). Later, the Yin-yang school of Tsou Yen (third century BCE) and the Five Agents/Five Phases Theory either influenced the growth of Taoist philosophical speculation or were at least parallel developments. These would be integrated into Taoism at a later stage, such as in the syncretist stream, of which the Huai-nantzu is the most mature statement. Antecedents of the Tao-chiao (Taoist Religion) are more diffuse, but generally one accepts that shamanism and the search for longevity/immortality had a strong influence on the origin of Han Taoist religion. Almost certainly, some ritual practices and religious concepts of pre-Ch’in times had their effect as well, although partially in a negative way, since the Heavenly Masters school would strongly react against the kui-tao, the worship of popular spirits, which they considered to be unorthodox. Antecedents of Tao-chia Long before the Yin-yang system was fully developed, there already existed a method of divination, introduced by the early Chou, using yarrow or milfoil stalks to obtain “divine” answers to vital questions. Somehow, this gradually led to the discovery of eight graphic symbols or trigrams consisting of three lines called pa-kua/bagua, which initially were just eight types of answers obtainable by divination. These eight became the basis of cosmic speculation and are the original building blocks of a Chinese classic, the Yi ching, which consists of the eight trigrams multiplied by themselves to form sixty-four symbols, or hexagrams, graphic symbols consisting of six lines. Yin-yang speculation was not part of the original mental background of this technique, but was injected later, so that the Yi ching grew into a book of cosmic, ethical, and psychological analysis. This system’s connection with early Taoism is now obvious: The famous saying, “one yin, one yang, that is the Tao” (from an appended text to the Yi ching), is a clear expression of this connection. Besides the Yi ching, Taoist philosophers had other sources of inspiration, modifying the Tao into a cosmic concept expressive of an ultimate reality. The concept of Tao itself was available to many different schools, who understood and manipulated it subjectively, such as in the “way” of ruling for the Confucians. Other direct sources of Taoist speculation were the many aphorisms and popular proverbs floating around in society through oral transmission, perhaps created by popular wisdom (as proverbs go) or by individuals (kinds of pre-Taoists) who had their own lineage of disciples. There may have been other influences at work, but besides and beyond all these factors, there must have been a new type of individual creativity, and these individuals in contact with each other, even living together in an academy sponsored by local rulers. In such an atmosphere, new ideas arose, were discussed, and were sometimes recorded. From the surviving documents of this period (ca. 300 BCE), we realize there was diversity of thought: some believed in the individual search for transcendence and happiness; others felt that something should be done about government and that the Tao should be brought down to the level of the whole country. This difference of opinions and ideals explains the variety of literary compositions in the so-called philosophical writings that have transpired to us (see below). Parallel with this growth of new ideas, expressed in early Taoist documents, a new school came into being that would deeply affect all other schools of thought: the Naturalist School of Tsou Yen (305–240? BCE), also called the Yin-Yang School. The texts of this school have been lost, but have been integrated into other writings and have recently partially surfaced among the excavated Ma-wang-tui manuscripts. The concepts of yin and yang probably go back to an ancient time period (early Chou?) and gradually snowballed over the centuries. It is a mitigated dualism, according to which yin and yang are two cosmic powers and/or mental categories by which all the phenomena of nature and human life can be interpreted and placed into context. (For a more complete discussion, see Yin-and-Yang.) The five agents theory probably has ancient roots as well, but it was Tsou Yen’s genius that combined it with Yin-yang thinking, although the twinning is not always smooth. Five “agents,” in the past also called “elements” and today often replaced by “phases,” is, like yin-and-yang, based on observation of nature. For an agrarian culture, observation of the four seasons is more acute. Each season has its significance and type of action and, with deeper scrutiny, its own active or dynamic power. Because the four seasons follow a fixed time sequence, correlated to four directions, four basic energies were abstracted and expressed in concrete terms: wood, fire, metal, and water. For some reason a fifth energy was added: earth, different from the others, but very basic and central. These five powers of nature, present in heaven, earth, and humanity (or nature in general) have mutual relationships and interact continuously. Their unceasing action explains all the processes on earth, which interact with heaven. From a different perspective, they can be considered the executors of the yin and yang forces. (For a more complete discussion, see Five Agents.) The twofold theory of Yin-yang and the Five Agents is not uniquely nor specifically Taoist, but has been incorporated into Taoism and Confucianism alike, and was also absorbed by the Popular Religion. It is not presumptuous to say that this naturalistic philosophy constitutes the basic foundation of the Chinese world view. It is most probable, however, that it was elaborated at about the same time as the earliest Taoist writings were recorded. Therefore, its presence in the early Chuang-tzu and the Tao-te ching is minimal, whereas in the later Huai-nan-tzu its influence is very clear. Antecedents of Tao-chiao During the declining years of the Eastern Han (second century CE), social unrest reached an extreme and gave rise to radical movements (healing cults) both in east and west China. These were the first instances in Chinese history of Taoist institutional religion, and mark the beginning of a long development of the Taoist religion with numerous offshoots. What were its antecedents? Various influences have been singled out, such as shamanism, the search for immortality, the worldview of Taoist philosophy (especially as in the Chuang-tzu and the Tao-te ching, hereafter abbreviated TTC), and the ancient traditions of popular cults, such as the worship of nature gods. During the early Han, the influence of fang-shih/fangshi (magicians? spiritual technocrats?) became more and more prominent and encouraged some emperors to support alchemical research. Admittedly, the network of influences that stimulated the rise of a Taoist religious institution was extremely complex, yet two basic observations will help clarify the issue. First, the influence of Taoist philosophy should not be exaggerated; secondly, the single most crucial factor must be seen in the scripture, titled Great Peace Scripture. The contribution of Taoist philosophy at the early stage of religious growth was rather minimal. Even if Chang Tao-ling received divine revelations from T’ai-shang Lao-chün, the divinized Lao-tzu, it is not the same as saying that the philosophy itself played an important role in the genesis of Taoist religion. In fact, the two are very different in structure: Taoist philosophy was an elite phenomenon, probably very limited geographically and numerically, and involved political philosophy. The Healing Cults, on the other hand, were social movements, involving large segments of the population, and were worship-oriented, while also striving to realize an ideal political system, based on ideas in the Great Peace Scripture. It is in this scripture, indeed, that one can find the clearest blueprint of the Healing Cults in both east and west: the ideal of a renewed social organization, an era of peace and equality concretely manifested in a theocratic rule, but ultimately based on the Tao and revealed to humans through inspired teachers. An important theme is the close interaction between macrocosm and microcosm, between mind and body, so much so that sickness was seen as a result of moral wrongdoing. One had to repent before one could be healed. These and other aspects of the Healing Cults are already found in the Great Peace Scripture, to which both Chang lineages had access. Even the theme of longevity and, more rarely, of immortality is found in the text. It also stresses the need for meditation and good works. That other aspects of ancient Chinese culture had their say in the growth of the new movement cannot be denied, but most often these were also incorporated in the Great Peace Scripture. What about shamanism? It has been said that the tao-shih of the new movement were the successors of the old fang-shih. Might they have even replaced the fang-shih? To conclude: It is very clear that the Taoist religious movements of the late Han comprised a distinct new development. This development did not arise in a vacuum, of course, but if there is one all-important influence to be pointed out, it was the Great Peace Scripture. Since, chronologically, the Taoist philosophical writings were produced first (4th to 2nd centuries BCE), long before the first Taoist religious organizations were founded (2nd century CE), the same sequence will be respected hereafter. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 5 | A-Z Introduction The Philosophical Texts: A Taoist Humanism | The Philosophical Texts: A Taoist Humanism While the Taoist texts best known in the west are the Tao-te ching and the Chuang-tzu, the Lieh-tzu and Huai-nan-tzu are also important, though they do not enjoy so much popularity. Recently a “dark horse” is galloping forward from obscurity: the Kuan-tzu, a text partially inspired by Taoism. All these texts will need our attention. Their spiritual message continues to inspire many readers. Because of their mystical overtones (and their occasional inclusion of religious themes) their message easily can be misconstrued as religious. But there exists such a thing as natural mysticism, which can be explained as ecstatic union with the Tao—not in the theistic sense, but as a naturalistic, humanist experience. Until recently, dating these texts, especially the TTC and the Chuang-tzu, was difficult and beset with problems. There are few extraneous clues directing one to the time(s) of authorship. Instead, an appeal to internal criteria based on text-redactional studies is promising. Philip Roth has proposed a distinction of three aspects, or perhaps phases, in the development of early Taoism (Roth, 1994; see also Graham, 1981, and LaFargue, 1994). The first, or “Individualist,” aspect is essentially apolitical and is concerned with individual transformation through inner cultivation placed in the context of a cosmology of the Tao. [Nei-yeh part of Kuan-tzu; Chuang-tzu 1–7]. The second, or Primitivist, aspect adds a political dimension to the first . . . the return to a more simple and basic form of social organization . . . [TTC and Chuang-tzu 8–11].With this aspect, a more complex central government is advocated, in accordance with the patterns of heaven and earth. Such a government . . . also exhibits a syncretist use of ideas from Confucian, Mohist, and Legalist sources within a Taoist cosmological and political framework. (Roth, 1994: 6–7) [Some Huang-lao texts, Kuan-tzu, Chuang-tzu 12–15 and 33; Huai-nan-tzu]This new interpretation presents an excellent framework not only for understanding the TTC but other early Taoist writings as well. It is possible that the Kuan-tzu was the earliest of all Taoist texts, soon followed by, or contemporary with, the inner chapters of the Chuang-tzu. The TTC traces a growth from Taoist individualism toward a moderate concern with government. The term “primitivist,” therefore, is not an ideal characterization of this tendency. There are degrees of “primitivism.” For example, Chapter 80 of the TTC advocates a radical return to a simple, very “primitive” society, whereas much of the TTC preludes the syncretist: moderate government by a sage ruler, who understands the nature and operations of the Tao. Political wisdom, plus insight in the cosmic reality based on spiritual cultivation, is pictured as the best course to “order the world.” Against the trend of placing the TTC first in the discussion of Taoist philosophical texts, we shall adopt the order of the three aspects, which may well coincide with chronological stages. In other words, Chuang-tzu’s inner chapters come first, next the TTC and Chuang-tzu 8–11, followed by Chuang-tzu’s remaining chapters, especially 12–14 and 33. Finally, the Huai-nan tzu will finish off the discussion. (For the Kuan-tzu and Lieh-tzu, see their separate entries.) Chuang-tzu 1–7 Chapters 1–7 of the book Chuang-tzu, named after its author Chuang-tzu (Master Chuang) or Chuang Chou, are traditionally called the “inner chapters” and are usually ascribed to Chuang-tzu’s authorship. While confirming authorship cannot be absolute, the inner chapters must be closer to Chuang-tzu than most of the other parts of the book, which today consists of 33 chapters. In these inner chapters, Chuang-tzu’s genius shines. Although part of the text is probably corrupt (especially Chapters 2 and 3) and difficult to understand, most appears to be intact and strikes us as an overwhelming and mind-opening philosophy of life. The style is witty; irony and satire are generously applied, the use of metaphors strikes home a clear message. Chuang-tzu appears both as an ordinary but inspired storyteller and as a radical iconoclast, who smashes social conventional standards and sets up his own standards for individual freedom and transcendence. For him, the ideal person, whom he often calls chen-jen (“true” person), which means “perfected,” “realized,” or “authentic,” is one who transcends the petty values of ordinary life and soars into the beyond, where he/she finds freedom and happiness. The analogy of the huge bird (Chapter 1) is thought provoking. Fear of death, at any age, inspires misapprehensions amidst any society. Chuang-tzu says that life and death are two sides of one reality, equally acceptable. Besides, because they are fated, impervious to human manipulation, we better accept the reality of death as we accept the joys of life. He goes one step further: Death is the end of our life, but also the end of our consciousness. There will be transformation, for the creative process goes on and on, but our individual consciousness comes to an end. To accept this is wisdom, to reject it is arrogance. The “true” person accepts life with joy and, when time is up, goes without a fuss. (These ideas are found in Chapter 6). (See also Immortality.) Chuang-tzu shows his genius in his discussion of “truth” (Chapter 2, titled “Seeing the Equality or Relativity of Things and Theories”). Although this chapter has been dreadfully mangled (perhaps it was difficult to understand), some passages yield their ideas unambiguously. Chuang-tzu admits that the Tao has been darkened, and that language has lost its clarity. This disappointment is because of petty minds’ self-centered and narrow thinking, and because of flowery rhetoric, empty talk. Therefore, he suspects the infallibility of rational thought and is critical of language, although he does not totally reject it (after all, he taught others and perhaps he wrote!). But the “truth” expressed in words is never absolute. The “real” can be expressed in thousands of different ways and none is absolute; none is without partial truth either. If we accept that, if we consider the Tao as the central axis of the real and of our own knowledge, then all things and theories have their place, and even Confucians and Mohists can live in mutual tolerance. That is the only way to prevent absolutist ideologies, which are the most serious danger to individual freedom and social harmony. Another theme (found in Chapter 3) is “Nurturing Life.” To care for the gift of life is to follow its natural course and to use one’s vital energy (ch’i) sparingly, intelligently. That is the secret of longevity, and Chuang-tzu compares it with the way a skilled butcher uses his knife. He follows the natural anatomy of an ox, but avoids hacking and cutting. His knife is long-lasting. Others, who hack and cut through bones, etc., must replace their knife continuously. It is like wasting one’s life energy through careless living. One final theme selected from the inner chapters refers to Chuang-tzu’s views on government (Chapter 4: “The World of Politics”). Chuang-tzu believes it is very difficult and hazardous to be a good advisor to kings. If one uses any approach that the king dislikes, one could be in danger. It is much safer not to serve in government and to be useless. Then one can live long. Chuang-tzu considers the institution of government, which he witnessed in his own day, as totally irrelevant. Perhaps we would call him an anarchist! Still, there is more meaning than may initially appear. Rulership should be “responsive” (that’s in the title of Chapter 7): A good king responds to the needs of the people rather than using the people for his own ends. How does one do that? “Let your mind wander in simplicity, blend your spirit with the vastness . . . leave no room for selfishness, then the world will be governed.” (Watson, 1970: 94, and Graham, 1981: 95). The ideal ruler, then, is a mystical, magical presence. Through his own te, or charisma, he may cure disease and make harvests grow to maturity. There is no need for a bureaucratic buildup! Here we see Chuang-tzu, the individualist, who believes that the country will be at peace if the king “stays away” to let the people do their own thing. Yet, paradoxically, the king’s magical presence will ensure peace and contentment. (Other themes are: human perfection, the concept of Tao, the use of the useless.) The Tao-te ching This famous text, better known in the west than the Chuang-tzu, is probably the product of a group of scholar-gentlemen, idealists who felt that a person’s first duty is to cultivate his own person and only then take up the responsibility of government. This is not unlike the moral-political ideal proposed in the Confucian classic Great Learning (Ta-hsüeh/Daxue): The ancients who wished to order the state should first regulate their own family, but even before that cultivate their own person by rectifying their mind and making their will sincere (Chan, 1963: 86). In other words, to engage in political life, a person must be educated and morally perfected. This Confucian parallel was acceptable to early Taoist gentlemen (at that time, the rivalry between the two schools was only just appearing on the horizon). They felt self-cultivation to be the root, government service the fruit, though opinions were not equally shared by all concerning the kind of government to promote. The TTC expresses a stage of thinking beyond what the early Chuang-tzu advocated, but there seem to be different gradations in this “primitivist” philosophy. The simplest one is close to the Chuang-tzu: no government, no learning. A more developed opinion holds that government is a good thing, if it is executed by a “sage” (sheng-jen/sheng-ren) who understands the nature of reality, its underlying Tao, its ways of operating, and, as a result, is able to imitate the Tao’s action in his rule. This translates into a laissez-faire style of government, and minimal interference in the lives of the people. Although the TTC strikes us as a poorly organized little treatise (81 short chapters in its present form), it is a gold mine of inspiration. The stimulation of that “familiar chord” explains its lasting appeal and its amazing number of translations. Leaving aside historical and literary problems for now (see Tao-te ching-The Text), let us just briefly focus on the major themes we discover in the text: the nature of Tao, its symbols, the government of the sage, and spiritual cultivation. (Each of these themes will be treated in more detail under Tao-te ching-Themes.) First of all, what is the Tao, the “Way”? It is a metaphysical reality, not just a “road” for human beings to follow; it is such a road as well, but only as a concrete expression of that supreme reality. In this sense, Tao is more than “nature”—it is the foundation of nature, or nature is only the visible expression of that all-embracing reality. Then, “Tao” is only a word, and words are powerless to express the real. Words are limited, the Tao is limitless. Words are used as indexicals, as pointers; They imply and signify something very deep, very real, beyond the words. What is suggested by words, what is written in between the lines is more important than the lines themselves. But those lines are needed, otherwise there would not be anything between them. Therefore, let us use words with caution. The true nature of Tao cannot be perfectly grasped for it is invisible, inaudible, untouchable. Yet we see, hear, and touch it all the time. The Tao is also ancient. Existing before all creation, it actually created all things, often expressed as the “ten thousand things.” It produced all things, and continues to produce them, until they all return to their roots. To make abstract theory more appealing, the TTC uses various symbols to suggest what the Tao is. It is like water: a life-giving force that is generous without being demanding. Tao is like water in another sense: Water is weak and soft, yet can be extremely powerful and wear down the hardest things, such as rocks. It has the strength of weakness. This connects with other symbols of weakness: woman, mother, the valley, the infant. “Mother” and “woman” in ancient patriarchal societies had little official authority, but through her submissiveness and gentleness she could control the male (in nature, it is often the female of the species who selects her mating partner). Like the valley, humble and lowly in contrast with mountains, the female is a symbol of fertility, a life-giving and nourishing force. Likewise, Tao is the “mother of the ten thousand things.” Weak and helpless, a young infant is nonetheless full of vitality, its vital energy is unimpaired, and, being helpless, all its needs are taken care of. Likewise, the Tao appears to be helpless, yet, in fact, it is all-powerful. In order to bring peace to the world, a would-be ruler must reflect on the nature of Tao and its inherent power, its te. He must deeply understand how the Tao operates, and follow the model in his own government. One of the most powerful messages of the TTC is the concept of wu-wei, literally “nonaction.” The Tao appears not to do anything, yet nothing is left undone. In his government, the sage ruler should not act, or acts minimally, yet, paradoxically, the country will be in order. The sage ruler inspires, his presence stimulating the people, but the people do everything themselves. On the contrary, the more laws there are, the more offenses; the more the ruler grabs for himself (in taxes), the harder the people will be to control. In order to become aware of the secret of sage rule, a ruler must cultivate his own person. Oddly, accumulation of “knowledge” will not do; rather, he must empty himself of mental clutter. Like Tao, which appears to be empty, he will be able to fill everything. Like water, he benefits all beings, without claiming any credit, any return. Empty of himself, he will be humble and kind, and the people will be hardly aware of his existence. Yet, almost magically, his presence will be felt, and his inner power will transform the country. The above is only a poor analysis of the TTC’s message. To penetrate its meaning more deeply, one must be still and listen. Chuang-tzu 8–10: The Primitivists We are now entering the “outer chapters” of the Chuang-tzu (they cover Chapters 8–22), three of which express the views of the “primitivists.” These philosophers, as Graham believes, wrote their essays around 205 BCE, a time of civil war after the collapse of the Ch’in empire. They are “political polemics which defend a Taoist conception of society against the other [post-Ch’in] reviving [and rival] schools . . .” (Graham, 1981: 198). Their Taoist conception is extremist: moral and aesthetic values are rejected as violations of the original good nature of humanity. The sages are blamed for introducing fake moral prescriptions and, thus, disturbing the peace of the land. Ideally, a country would be small and unsophisticated, not interested in technological advances and warfare; everybody would act morally just by following his own inner good nature. In this ideal situation, along comes the sage, “huffing and puffing” after jen (kindness, benevolence), “reaching on tiptoe” for yi (righteousness). As a result, doubts arise, and “for the first time, the world is divided” (Watson: 105). Or worse, “whenever sages appear, bandits follow suit” (Watson: 109). Chuang-tzu’s basic critique of the sages is that they introduced external standards of morality, which are totally unnecessary and create doubts and disorder. If human nature and virtue are in perfect shape, there is no need for governing the world. It is the Yellow Emperor who first introduced “benevolence and righteousness to meddle with the minds of men” (Watson: 116). Yao and Shun (mythical emperors) followed suit, so that by the time of the Three Dynasties, the world was in chaos. Inborn goodness disappeared, and ethical prescriptions were unable to stop crimes. As a result, the world is full of criminals. It is all the result of meddling with man’s mind (paraphrase of Chapter 11; Watson: 114–118). (Hypothetical dates are as follows: Yellow Emperor: 2698–2594 BCE; Yao: 2357–2255 BCE; Shun: 2255–2205 BCE; The Three Dynasties are Hsia, starting in 2205 BCE; Shang, starting in 1520 BCE; Chou, starting in 1030 BCE.) Chuang-tzu’s diatribes against the sages are reminiscent of Chapters 18–19 in the TTC, which also derive from a primitivist milieu; his advocacy of a simple lifestyle is echoed in Chapter 80 of the TTC, and his rejection of “technology” is beautifully described in Chuang-tzu, Chapter 12 (Watson: 134). Chuang-tzu 12–14 and 33: The Syncretists Political philosophies advocating rule by moral example, or, on the opposite end, by anarchy and total rejection of government, were not popular among Warring States princes; perhaps they were considered naive, and certainly impractical. Even within the Chuang-tzu school, there appeared proponents of a more realistic approach to government. Graham speculates that the Syncretist group was active between the fall of the Ch’in empire (210 BCE) and the adoption of Confucianism by Han Emperor Wu (around 134 BCE): That is a period of about seventy-five years, when no official state ideology was predominant, except perhaps Huang-Lao Taoism during the reigns of Emperors Wen (179–157 BCE) and Ching (156–140 BCE). During this period of competing ideologies, Taoism could not but become more realistic and combine sageliness with competent rulership. The T’ien-hsia chapter of the Chuang-tzu (Chapter 33) pinpoints it beautifully in a famous expression, “sagely within and kingly without” (Watson: 364). It frankly admits that the “various skills of the hundred schools all have their strong points . . . But none is wholly sufficient, none is universal.” (Watson: 364). However, rejecting government completely, as the inner chapters did, is no longer tenable and is rejected (Chapter 15, Watson: 167). It is possible that the Chuang-tzu text as a whole was edited by the Syncretists. (See also Chuang-tzu.) The Huai-nan-tzu: Han Syncretism The Huai-nan-tzu, a text of 21 essays, produced (edited) by the Prince of Huai-nan in 140 BCE and presented by the author to young Emperor Wu in 139 BCE, may well be a product of Huang-Lao Taoism. Although its essays were probably written by a group of scholars supported by the court of Huai-nan and cover a variety of topics, there is still a common theme running through them—another example of syncretist political thinking. In order to be an effective ruler, the king must understand the operations of Nature (based on Tao). Tao is primordial but its manifestations in the cosmos must be well grasped so that the sage’s government is in accord with the inner workings of the Tao. This is indeed another example of political philosophy advocating inner cultivation (including mind) and political ability. (For more details, see Huai-nan-tzu.) What is most remarkable in all these early Taoist tendencies is that they all operate in a naturalist world order. The supreme principle, the Tao, is a real although mystical presence, but is not treated as a divine being or a creator-god, demanding worship. If “spiritual beings” are recognized (in some texts), they are seen as parts of this natural order, or even as mythical beings, who do not appear to have power over the human world. In other words, we do not find a religious world order here, but a naturalistic, humanistic one. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 6 | A-Z Introduction Taoist Religious Movements: From Han to Six Dynasties (206 BCE–581 CE) | Taoist Religious Movements: From Han to Six Dynasties (206 BCE–581 CE) The periods of the Han dynasty (Western and Eastern Han), the Chin, and the divided empire (usually called North-South Dynasties or Period of Disunity), was characterized by great intellectual and religious turmoil. The imperial patronizing of Confucian Learning (starting around 134 BCE) was an important milestone with an incalculable impact on the future growth of Chinese culture. But the collapse of the Han empire (in 210 CE) was likewise extremely significant. Not only did it cause the temporary eclipse of Confucianism, but it also offered Taoism and Buddhism an opportunity to entrench themselves in society and find their own niche of acceptance and efflorescence. For both Taoism and Buddhism, this was indeed a seminal period. One particular aspect of Taoism that is not well understood so far is the so-called Huang-Lao Tao, a rather intellectual stream of Taoist speculation probably connected with the Laoist school, but like other syncretist movements, also incorporating ideas of various other schools, Legalism in particular. As a political system, Legalism was rejected; it had caused too much suffering in the country because of its harsh dictatorship. Yet some of its principles and practices could be used and were incorporated in the new dispensation. Huang-Lao Taoism, with its elevation of the Yellow Emperor as the model ruler (Huang is short for Huang-ti) and of Lao-tzu as the model royal advisor (Lao is short for Lao-tzu), was not exactly a religious movement, but rather a political philosophy. For a significant period of time, it influenced the early Han rulers, until Emperor Wu reversed the trend. During the Eastern Han, Huang-Lao Taoism was not dead yet, or so it seems, for in 166 CE, Emperor Huan (r. 146–168) offered a sacrifice to the deified Lao-tzu and to the Buddha. At the same time, the Yellow Emperor cult may have been more or less abandoned. (For details, see Huang-Lao Taoism.) Healing Cult in Eastern China: Great Peace Taoism The Western Han was disturbed by the usurpation of Wang Mang (9–24 CE), who wanted to set up his own dynasty. But in 25 CE, the throne was restored to the Han, and at first there was a period of expansion and tranquility (25–88 CE). After 88 CE, the families of the empresses tried to regain power, while the eunuchs did likewise. This weakened the authority of the imperial government. The result was palace intrigues and struggles for power. In 135, the eunuchs were allowed to adopt sons, which resulted in greater wealth and power. The great families and the literati in the civil service reacted against these abuses. The eunuchs won in 176, but in 189, the gentry recovered; under leadership of Gen. Yuan Shao, over 2,000 eunuchs were massacred. Government taxes put unbearable burdens on the people. Many peasants were forced into banditry. Agriculture was in great trouble due to natural disasters. The time was ripe for messianic expectations, and in both Eastern and Western China, mass movements arose. In the East, “as a result of floods along the lower Yellow River, a vast Messianic movement, Taoist in inspiration, developed on the borders of Shantung and Honan” (Gernet, 1982: 155). The leaders of this movement were three Chang brothers: Chang Chueh (or Chiao), Chang Liang, and Chang Pao. They established an organization that was military, administrative, and religious. The religious cult symbol was Huang-Lao, their ideology based on the Great Peace Scripture. It was a messianic movement striving for a new era, a return to the golden age of the past. This theocratic state had its own hierarchical structure. The three Chang brothers were the “Lord general of Heaven, Earth, and Men.” Their territory included a large area of Eastern China, nine provinces divided into 36 districts, each headed by a fang (lit. “magician,” but equivalent to “general”). Below them were the ch’u-shuai (“great chiefs”), whose role was primarily religious, although law and morality were not separated. Their great festivals were celebrated on the days of the equinoxes and solstices and were conducted by the fang. Such assemblies were called “fasts of purification.” Because many aspects of their worldview and rituals were very similar to the Taoist movement in Western China, they will be discussed in the following section. The fate of the Eastern movement, however, was different from its Western counterpart. By 184 CE, the messianic movement had grown into a rebellious force. It is said that the organization had 360,000 supporters under the arms. They were called the “Yellow Turbans” and were attacked by government forces. (See Yellow Turban Rebellion.) How and why this rebellion broke out is not clear. A good guess is that the establishment of a theocratic state, rejecting the official government’s authority, was in itself seen as an act of open rebellion and needed to be annihilated. The year 184 should have been auspicious for the Taoist movement: It was the beginning of a new 60-year cycle and, therefore, a time for renewal. Unfortunately for the rebels, their three leaders were captured and executed in the same year. The movement did not end but lost its vigor. Its main effect was to weaken the already exhausted Han regime and speed up its downfall. Healing Cult in Western China: Five Bushels of Rice Tao In Western China, mainly in Szechuan and part of Shensi, a parallel healing cult developed in the middle of the second century CE, initiated by another Chang (not related to the Eastern Changs). This was Chang Ling, who chose for himself the title of “Heavenly Master” (T’ien-shih), and who was later recognized as the founder of the Taoist Religion. His name was changed to Chang Tao-ling. In this secluded area of China, surrounded by mountain chains and safe from the predominance of a weak imperial administration, Chang Ling’s grandson, Chang Lu, set up an independent theocracy. As in the East, it was religious and political at the same time. Members had to pay a fee of five bushels (or pecks) of rice a year. (This was initiated by Chang Ling, who is therefore also called “rice-thief.”) Chang Ling, so the legend goes, spent time on some mountains in Szechuan for spiritual cultivation. It is said that Lao-tzu, or better, T’ai-shang Lao-chün, appeared to him and invested him with spiritual authority and a mission to establish a Taoist kingdom. This grew into a healing cult with a church organization similar to the one in Eastern China, although the administrative titles were different. Chang Ling’s grandson, Chang Lu, completed his grandfather’s work, and from about 185 to 215, this area of China enjoyed independence from the weakened central government. It was a religious and political state, a theocracy. In 215, Chang Lu surrendered to pressure by the military commander of the North, Ts’ao Ts’ao, and, as a result, Taoism became recognized by the state. It is from this rather modest beginning that Heavenly Master Taoism would eventually develop. Chang Tao-ling is nowadays recognized as the founder of (most schools of) the Taoist Religion. He has been described: as a thaumaturgist of the highest order, as a compounder of elixirs of life, and as a first-rate exorcist; he was a god-man commanding spirits and gods. He personifies the transformation of ancient Taoist principles and doctrine into a religion with magic, priesthood and hierarchy, under the very auspices of Lao-tze, who appeared before him in person, and commissioned him to carry out that great organization. (J. de Groot, 1908: 138–139)This short description shows Chang Tao-ling to be a charismatic leader with strong powers of exorcism, a miracle worker, and, more questionably, an alchemist. Tradition ascribes to him the creation of magic talismans (still circulating among many Taoist priests today) and the founding of the Heavenly Masters School. Today’s leader of Taoism in Taiwan, Chang Yuan-hsien, is believed to be the 64th successor of the founder. The theocratic Taoist state in Western China was organized along parallel lines with the East. The area was divided into 24 metropoles, each headed by a “libationer” (chi-chiu). Libationers were in command of the army troops, and were also responsible for religious instruction; the TTC was an important document to be studied. Other officials (junior rank) were called “commander of the perverse” (chien-ling). They were in charge of prayer services and the ceremonies of healing. Crimes were not to be punished, but confessed and atoned for by the performance of good actions. Only after the third time were offenders punished. In any case, sins would sooner or later manifest in sickness—illness was subject to greater sanctions than sin itself. Prisons served to confine sinners and make them reflect on their evil deeds. The purpose of this theocratic state was not so much to replace the imperial government, but to encourage followers to attain spiritual perfection. Lay people were given titles and rank according to their degree of progress. Beginners were called “sons and daughters of Tao” (Tao-nan, Tao-nü). Those of intermediate rank were called nan-kuan and nü-kuan, whereas the more advanced were “father of Tao” and “mother of Tao” (Tao-fu, Tao-mu). Thus all ranks and titles, except “Heavenly Master,” were accessible to men and women alike. Collective ceremonies were held, as in the East, at the beginning of the four seasons. They consisted of “fasting” (chai), but also of public confession of sins. The latter were probably held at the three festivals of the Yuan (“origin”? “primordial”?), which are principles or Rulers of the Three Realms (san kuan): Heaven, Earth and Water. Today these festivals are still held in China on the fifteenth day of the first, seventh, and tenth lunar months. An extraordinary religious event was the Fast of Mud and Soot, a special ritual of public penance, in which six to 38 persons could participate (described by Maspero, 1981: 385). (See also Rituals.) It is an old variation of a revivalist meeting. Another, more puzzling ritual was the Union of Energies (ho ch’i), sometimes described as “a collective sexual orgy” practiced in some communities. Historians have speculated about the close similarities between the Eastern and Western healing cults. It is not at all certain that there was mutual influence, because similarities can be explained by both groups’ access to the Great Peace Scripture. Both Eastern and Western cults followed this scriptural blueprint of an ideal society. Since the Han ruling house was unable to renew itself and the country, reform movements took place in spite of the government and, as in the East, in opposition to it. Although the Yellow Turban Rebellion failed, it did have some important consequences. It inspired later uprisings, one as late as the 19th century—the T’ai-p’ing Rebellion (1850–1864). It also made all later governments of China cautious and even suspicious of Taoist activities. In fact, many later uprisings were inspired by political-religious conceptions. What was at first called Five Bushels of Rice Taoism and, in a more dignified way, the Heavenly Masters School, later also became known as Cheng-yi Taoism (“Orthodox Unity”). It is still active today both in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and in Taiwan. (For details, see Heavenly Masters Taoism.) Quest for Longevity/Immortality: Outer and Inner Alchemy In China, belief in continued existence after this mortal life goes back several millennia. From archaeological discoveries inside excavated royal tombs and the interpretation of their contents, it can hardly be doubted that the Shang people firmly believed in a continuation of life after death. It was nowhere stated that life was conceived as a material existence, or a survival in a sort of physical body, but it is an obvious assumption that can be made from the ritual burial practices of the Shang people. Otherwise, the burying of physical objects, food, treasure, chariots, personnel, etc., would not make much sense, because they are not needed in a purely spiritual realm of existence. The Chinese system of belief in a “soul” or “souls” is very complex and fraught with inner difficulties and contradictions (see soul). But since prehistoric times there was, at least in ritual practice, a sort of dichotomy; one “soul” would rise to heaven, another “soul” would descend into the grave. This view underwent radical change with the advent of Buddhism, but even today, popular burial practices and the rituals of ancestor cult imply a belief in a multiplicity of “souls.” The liturgical tradition of Taoism has adopted this popular view and expresses it in rituals for the dead. The elite Taoist adept, however, did not share this popular view, and preferred to aspire to an immortal state, living as an immortal in a transcendent realm, body and spirit one, not separated (as in death). This happened among a minority of Taoist practitioners, members of the Taoist religion who somehow reversed the life-and-death concept of Taoist philosophers. The TTC does not express any belief in life after death, at best it promotes efforts to cultivate longevity (this is for instance found in the commentary by Ho-shang kung). The Chuang-tzu is even more articulate: Life and death are two states of transformation in the endless processes of the universe. It would be bad taste to demand regeneration as a human being. How did the idea of physical immortality find its way into Taoism? Most probably through the practice of alchemy—both outer and inner alchemy. Outer alchemy is based on laboratory experiments. It attempts to transform base metals into precious ones, such as gold and silver, or it attempts through various techniques to produce elixirs or pills that confer longevity and even physical immortality. Inner alchemy, on the other hand, focuses on the adept’s own body physiology and attempts to produce a “seed” of new life or longevity/immortality. Inner alchemy promotes the worship of the gods residing in the body, and promulgates various techniques concerning diet, gymnastics, breathing, meditation, and, sometimes, sexual union. These techniques formulate a recipe for constructing the mysterious seed, the nugget of immortality, within. When did alchemy first arise in China? It remains a historical riddle, but chances are that it started as early as the Warring States period (480–220 BCE), and was actively engaged in by the school of Tsou Yen (305–240 BCE). The First Emperor of China (r. 221–210 BCE), founder of the Ch’in dynasty, was one of the first to encourage alchemical research. It appears, however, that his dream was to find the “magical mushroom,” supposedly growing on some mysterious islands in the eastern ocean. Han Emperor Wu (r. 140–86 BCE) was next to support alchemical experimentation. The most famous alchemist, sponsored by Emperor Wu, was Li Shao-chün, whose efforts did not have any tangible results, but after him others followed, equally disappointing and occasionally being executed by an irascible emperor. During the later Han, new efforts were made; outer alchemy was often combined with inner alchemy, but no foolproof pill of immortality was ever produced. Several T’ang emperors continued to dream of deathlessness. In their gullibility, they trusted the alchemists and instead of gaining immortality, they were poisoned and died early. During the Sung dynasty (960–1279), outer alchemy had practically been discontinued, but more attention was given to the spiritual and physical practices of inner alchemy. (For more details, see Alchemy, Outer and Inner.) New Taoist Revelations: Shang-ch’ing and Ling-pao Schools After Chang Lu (of the Western Healing Cult) had surrendered to Ts’ao Ts’ao in 215 CE and was pressured to relocate in the capital, it appears that his school of Heavenly Masters spread nationwide. Eventually, after the fall of Loyang in 311 CE, they migrated to the south together with the imperial house and many official families. Although the records are not clear for this episode of Heavenly Masters Taoism, it is stated that they stirred up a new movement in the south. It combined the social-liturgical framework of the Heavenly Masters with southern shamanistic practices. Among the most eminent southern families who adhered to Taoism were the Hsü and Ko families. (Ko Hung, 283–343/63 CE, wrote the famous alchemical treatise Pao-p’u-tzu; the Hsü received the Shang-ch’ing revelations through Yang Hsi.) While in north China, Taoism had to compete with the ever-growing popularity of Buddhism, in the south two new Taoist movements arose in the fourth century CE that drastically changed the structure of the Taoist religion. Even in the south, Taoism was sensitive to Buddhist influences, as the growth and development of the Ling-pao school demonstrates. SHANG-CH’ING TAOISM: THE SCHOOL OF GREAT PURITY This new school of Taoism started with the revelations made to Yang Hsi (330–386 CE), a servant of the aristocratic Hsü family in south China during the eastern Chin (317–420 CE). The major revelations that Yang received were made by Lady Wei Hua-ts’un, who died in 334 CE. She had been a libationer (chi-chiu) in the Heavenly Masters School. This shows that the Heavenly Masters Tao, after the collapse of the Western Chin, had reestablished itself in the south, but was not necessarily comfortable there. The south, indeed, had its own religious tradition, and shamanism seems to have been very strong. The Heavenly Masters rejected several of the southern traditions. They waged a crusade against what they considered to be unorthodox, by destroying popular temples and shrines and reacting against religious customs, such as animal sacrifices. It seems no wonder that their impact on the south was at first minimal, soon to be overshadowed by the newly emerging school of Shang-ch’ing Taoism. This new movement, starting with Yang Hsi’s revelations, began to spread among aristocratic families. It claimed that their own revelations were superior to those of the Heavenly Masters, that they had access to higher heavens, had received new scriptures, and had better methods for spiritual cultivation. Thanks to the coordinating efforts of T’ao Hungching, the school gained a good reputation and appealed to the intellectual elite of the south. The new scriptures were in high demand and even encouraged some to steal or plagiarize them. Taoist communities emerged, not quite monastic yet, though it appears that some individuals adopted a celibate lifestyle. The new school, which eventually settled on Mount Mao (and hence has been called Mao Shan Taoism), drastically changed the nature and objectives of traditional Taoism. It moved toward intense internalization and visual meditation. Former aspects of Taoist culture became secondary: physiological exercises, the use of drugs and herbs, and even the ritual practices lost some of their importance. From a community religion, Shang-ch’ing Taoism became an elite phenomenon, bordering on eremitism. Personal cultivation focusing on a new body of revealed scriptures became the standard (Robinet, 1991: 120–128). Several of the school’s patriarchs were invited to and were supported by the imperial court. During the T’ang period (618–906), the Shangch’ing’s influence was predominant in Taoism. It only started to fade during the 13th and 14th centuries, when the Heavenly Masters rose to eminence again (for details, see Shang-ch’ing Taoism). Among the most important scriptures of this school are the Huang-t’ing ching (“Yellow Court Scripture”) and the Ta-tung chen-ching (“True Scripture of Great Profundity”). LING-PAO TAOISM: THE SCHOOL OF THE NUMINOUS JEWEL The rise of this second Taoist movement in the south was stimulated by the Shang-ch’ing revelations, as well as by Mahayana Buddhism (see S. Bokenkamp, 1983). It arose at about the same time as the Shang-ch’ing school, based on revelations received by Ko Ch’ao-fu between 397–402 CE, especially those found in the central text, Ling-pao ching. Of this text there was an ancient version dating from the Eastern Han (Ling-pao wu-fu chen-wen), but a newer version eventually grew into one of the longest scriptures (Ling-pao tu-jen ching, “Ling-pao Scripture of Salvation” in 66 chapters). The expression ling-pao has rich and complex connotations. Ling means “sacred, spirit, mysterious, supernatural, numinous” (it is part of the expression ling-hun, a common term for “soul”) and refers to the divine realm and Heaven. On the other hand, pao means “treasure, jewel” and refers to the human realm and earth. This new Taoist school, partially based on the Heavenly Masters tradition, brought renewal: It amplified the ancient rituals and incorporated some important ideas from Buddhism, especially the concept of universal salvation. It also absorbed some Confucian elements—respect for virtues exemplifies such incorporation. Ling-pao Taoism has been called “the true father of Taoist liturgy” (Robinet, 1991: 153). It did indeed work out a complex and more systematic elaboration of the Heavenly Masters liturgy. This was mainly the work of Lu Hsiu-ching, who developed the Taoist chai and chiao rituals on the basis of ancient traditions. In this new liturgy, chanting of scriptures became crucial. Another characteristic was the declining role of the laity in the liturgy, in contrast with Heavenly Masters Taoism. The school introduced a new triad into the Taoist religion: the three T’ien-tsun or “Heavenly Venerables or Worthies”: • Yuan-shih t’ien-tsun/Yuanshi tianzun, Heavenly Venerable or Worthy of the Original Beginning; • Ling-pao t’ien-tsun/Lingbao tianzun, Heavenly Venerable or Worthy of the Spiritual Jewel; • Tao-te t’ien-tsun/Daode tianzun, Heavenly Venerable or Worthy of Tao and Te (this is the apotheosed Lao-tzu). These three supreme deities, to be identified with the Three Pure Ones (San-ch’ing), are perhaps not seen as three distinct “personalities” but as three “hypostases” or transformations of the one original ch’i, out of which the universe developed. Scrolls of the three are still used today in Taoist rituals. Although the Ling-pao school was initially very successful in the south, superior in influence and numbers compared to the Shang-ch’ing school, during the T’ang it was absorbed by Shang-ch’ing Taoism. Its great contribution to Taoism is the re-creation of the liturgy—today all Taoists perform the Ling-pao rituals. A Taoist Theocracy during the Northern Wei (425–451) Whereas in southern China Taoism developed into new directions, partially stimulated by the advent of the Heavenly Masters, the fate of Taoism in the north fluctuated between imperial favor and disfavor, as it was affected by the growing influence of Buddhism on the non-Chinese rulers. The challenge to classic Chinese civilization was posed most dramatically as a “barbarian” threat, for invaders overran North China and an alien religion, Indian Buddhism, menaced the ideological basis of Chinese society . . . (Fairbank, 1973: 83)In the north, things were indeed different from the south. Many of the non-Chinese rulers sympathized with the equally non-Chinese Buddhism, and patronized it. Buddhism became dependent on the court and lost some of its autonomy in return for state protection. Rivalry between Taoism and Buddhism continued. A most interesting event was the writing of a satirical attack against Taoism by Chen Luan. A treatise titled Hsiao-tao lun was presented by him to Emperor Wu of the Northern Chou in 570 CE, “attacking Taoist mythology, doctrine, ritual and religious practice” (L. Kohn, 1995: 3). On the other hand, Emperor Wu also “promoted Taoism as the main teaching . . . and sponsored the compilation of the Wushang biyao (‘Esoteric Essentials of the Most High’) . . .” (L. Kohn: 32). A unique episode was the short-lived revival of Heavenly Masters Taoism by Taoist K’ou Ch’ien-chih during the reign of Emperor T’ai-wu (r. 424–452) of the Northern Wei. This is the only example of a true Taoist “theocracy” being instituted in China. It appears to have been a well-planned strategy put into effect through the cooperation of a Taoist priest, K’ou Ch’ien-chih (365–448), and a Confucian-oriented statesman, Ts’ui Hao (381–450). Each had his own secret agenda; K’ou wished to reestablish the Heavenly Masters School, whereas Ts’ui hoped to restore a Chinese state in north China. . . . what drew the two together most intimately was a common dream of a “purified” society, which Ts’ui envisioned as a return to the golden age of Chou feudalism . . . and which K’ou envisioned as a return, through the “chosen people” of the Taoist church, to the primitive simplicity associated with the utopian kingdom of Ta Ch’in . . . (R. Mather, 1979: 112–3)In order to realize their plans, they supported the new T’o-pa ruler, Emperor T’ai-wu, in his ambition to become the “perfect ruler of Great Peace.” In 425, K’ou was officially declared Heavenly Master, thus restoring the broken lineage of Chang Tao-ling and Chang Lu. The state sponsored Taoism throughout the realm by setting up sacrificial shrines (t’an) with priests and large monthly celebrations. Meanwhile, as Ts’ui’s influence grew, he caused the suppression of Buddhism in 446. This law was rescinded only in 452 by the new Emperor Wen-ch’eng, who made Buddhism his state religion. The short-lived Taoist theocracy did not have any lasting effects on the religion of the people, nor was the title Heavenly Master transferred to an immediate successor. K’ou Ch’ien-chih, however, is credited with one change in Taoist language: He changed the title of “libationer” (chi-chiu) to “gentleman of the Tao” (tao-shih), the name still used today for Taoist priests. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 7 | A-Z Introduction Later Taoist Growth | Later Taoist Growth The reunification of China by the Sui (581–618) and T’ang (618–906) dynasties had serious consequences for the further development of Taoism. Of course, Buddhism and Confucianism were also greatly affected. The latter would gradually rise from its lethargy and increase in vigor, because the T’ang court needed the Confucian system of learning to educate the country’s young talent and prepare them for civil service. This was a matter of schooling and education. The other two chiao, Taoism and Buddhism, had a different function. They were religious institutions, and as such could contribute a great deal to the imperial power base or its legitimation of power. This concern had been implicitly felt by all preceding dynasties and went as far back as the early Chou, when the Mandate of Heaven (t’ienming/tianming) was invoked to justify the Chou conquest and their defeat of the Shang rulers. Often in Chinese dynastic history, a rebel overthrew the previous dynasty, and by reason of his success was believed to have received the mandate. However, once firmly entrenched on the dragon throne, more powerful reasons were needed to convince the dynasty itself, as well as the people, that the seize of power was legitimate. The invocation of Heaven’s Mandate coincided with the Confucian vision, but once Taoism and Buddhism started to gain spiritual power, they likewise created their own methods of support for the dynasty. In this the two were competitive, for in return for their political-religious support, both Buddhism and Taoism hoped to receive protection and favors from the imperial government. This sort of symbiotic relationship had already started during the period of disunity, especially in Northern China, occupied by foreign rulers. In exchange for imperial protection and even appointments to official ranks, the Buddhists lost some of their independence. Similarly, the Taoism of K’ou Ch’ien-chih, during the Northern Wei, was an example of Taoism being patronized as well as controlled by the ruling house. This trend of “mutual benefit” was continued throughout later times. The Sui and T’ang dynasties were pioneers in this regard: Both Taoism and Buddhism had close dealings with the new rulers, but the type of relationship depended greatly on the personal preferences and “tastes” of each emperor. Sui (581–617) and T’ang (618–907) Periods The two Sui emperors, Wen-ti and Yang-ti, favored Buddhism as their personal faith, but also supported Taoism. Buddhism was seen as a strong unifying factor because of its deep penetration into the life of the people. Taoism, however, was on the rise, too, and could not be ignored; it got at least minimum court support. The price to be paid by both religious establishments was government control. When general Yang Chien reunited China (after 360 years of disunity), he became Emperor Wen (r. 581–604). He lifted the Northern Chou ban against Buddhism and Taoism in 580, yet was very dextrous in using the potential of each of the Three Teachings to further his political goals. Confucianism lent more credibility to the new dynasty and it also promoted morality and offered training programs for future officials. Taoism received minimal patronage. Although Wen-ti personally disliked Taoist monks, he used them for their calendrical skills and their talent for interpreting omens. He remained, however, suspicious of the subversive force of Taoism and practitioners of black magic. Buddhism, being Wen-ti’s personal faith, received strong support. State monasteries were built at the base of the Five Sacred Mountains. In his personal life, Emperor Wen integrated several Taoist elements. His choice of a new reign title, k’ai-huang, was taken from Taoist scriptures. When he built grandiose royal gardens, he included the mysterious islands of the “immortals”—such as P’eng-lai—in layout. On a 100-foot-high gazebo, he enjoyed the company of court ladies, while acting as an immortal. Indeed, like many imperial predecessors, he was very much interested in the secrets of immortality and invited several famous masters to his court. From the Sui dynastic history (Sui shu), one gains some information about the training of Taoist priests (although the school to which they belonged is not mentioned). The training was divided into four stages. After the completion of each stage, candidates received a certificate (falu) to state that a particular scripture had been studied, fully comprehended, and could be explained to others. The four scriptures were the Tao-te ching, the San-tung, the Tung-hsuan, and the Shang-ch’ing. Although before the Sui dynasty, Taoism had been growing and created new rituals, deities, and scriptures, it was not yet enjoying great popularity. Not much is known about the Heavenly Masters at this time, but the flourishing of Taoist monastic life was not an indication of Taoist influence on the population. In contrast, Buddhism was much more widespread and would continue to flourish during the T’ang period. At the end of Wen-ti’s reign, there were 16 Taoist establishments in the capital, compared to 120 on the Buddhist side. Further, the number of Taoists ordained during Wen-ti’s reign was 2,000—230,000 for the Buddhists (A. Wright, 1978: 137). With the T’ang dynasty, we can imagine the great flourishing of Buddhism, among both the imperial family and the nobility, among both the scholarly world and the people. Important developments were the growth of new Buddhist schools in “Chinese garment”: the popular Pure Land devotional movement and the monastic elite school of Ch’an (Zen) Buddhism—perhaps the finest expression of Buddhist-Taoist cross-fertilization. Among the Tun-huang manuscripts, a large number of Taoist texts have been discovered, testifying to the increased prestige of Taoism, which was partially due to imperial sponsorship. Indeed, Taoism was elevated to an unexpected high rank. It has been said that even before the T’ang dynasty was founded, a Taoist patriarch from Mao Shan, Wang Yuan-chih (528–635), had given the future founder of T’ang, Li Yuan (later to become Kao-tsu, r. 618–626), a secret prophecy of success against the Sui Emperor Yang-ti. This prophecy was said to be based on a revelation from T’ai-shang Lao-chün, the deified Lao-tzu, who stated that the future imperial family, named Li, were in fact his descendants. Once victory had been obtained, the new dynasty did indeed proclaim Lao-tzu as its ancestor. As a result, Taoism gained special status in the realm and would receive a number of special privileges. Patriarch Wang was rewarded for his prophecy: He was the first Taoist monk to receive the purple robe from the emperor. This is another example of political-religious symbiosis. The T’ang imperial family’s prestige was boosted enormously, whereas Mao Shan (Shang-ch’ing) Taoism enjoyed the protection of the imperial house (Kubo Noritada, 1977: 219–226). Imperial patronage of Taoism did not mean, however, that Taoism became the state religion (the Buddhists were too strong to let this happen!). It became part of the imperial family religion, together with the cult of the ancestors. Still, Taoism did get some special privileges. Emperor Kao-tsung (r. 649–683), at first supportive of Buddhism, started to favor Taoism in his later years. He bestowed high titles upon Lao-tzu, and a “network of state-sponsored monastic communities,” including Buddhist and Taoist temples, was set up in each prefecture (Cambridge History 3–1: 264). In 675, he gave orders to compile the first version of the Taoist scriptures. In 678, the Tao-te ching became compulsory study for state examinations (this decree was revoked by Empress Wu in 693). Rivalry between Buddhism and Taoism continued, and was strong in the countryside. At the court, debates were organized between Buddhism and Taoism (and also Confucianism). In 668, after a bitter debate, the emperor ordered the destruction of the Conversion of Barbarians Scripture, “a forged sutra which claimed that the Buddha was in fact the same person as Lao-tzu, and which had been a constant source of irritation” (Cambridge 3–1: 965). Emperor Hsuan-tsung (r. 712–756) stands out as a strong promoter of Taoism. He was “deeply versed in Taoist philosophy of which he became a major patron.” In 726, he decided that each household should have a copy of the TTC. In 732, he ordered that each prefecture should build a temple in honor of Lao-tzu (Cambridge 3–1: 411). In 741, schools were set up to study Taoism. They were part of the state universities. Among the later T’ang emperors, there was a steady interest in Taoism: Te-tsung (r. 780–804) was attracted to alchemy, as was Wu-tsung (r. 841–846), who took drugs that probably made him lose full control of his faculties (Cambridge 3–1: 663). This ended with the severe suppression of Buddhism in 842–845. Hsuan-tsung (whose name is written with a different character from the above Hsuan-tsung) (r. 847–859) was the fourth emperor in four decades who died of alchemical poisoning. The T’ang period offers a clear example of the fluctuating fates of Taoism and Buddhism. Buddhism flourished enormously. It seemed to attract the majority of intellectuals to its profound philosophy, while the common people were impressed by its afterlife doctrines, its rich liturgy and its simple approach to salvation. While Taoism was never a serious rival of Buddhism, Confucianism slowly started to make a comeback. Only few Confucian intellectuals are found during the T’ang, but once Confucianism gained momentum, it became a formidable force that would regain its former glory. It succeeded so well because of its absorption of Buddhist and Taoist doctrines and methods of spiritual cultivation. Some statistics show the relative strength of Taoism and Buddhism. At the height of the T’ang, Taoism had 1,687 monasteries and nunneries, Buddhism had 5,358. In 722, Taoism had 16 establishments in the capital, whereas Buddhism had 91. The Sung Period (960–1279) The history of the Sung dynasty somewhat repeats the earlier North-South division of China. Politically it was unstable because China was threatened in the north by various groups of “barbarians,” some of whom succeeded in ripping off a large area of the north. (For details concerning this division, see Chart of Chinese Dynasties.) One of the major trends since late T’ang and throughout the Sung was the emergence of Neo-Confucianism as a commanding intellectual force, replacing Buddhism and Taoism. Many Confucians had studied these two schools of thought and now utilized many of their ideas to revive Confucianism and remold it. Confucianism was eclipsed during the period of disunity, but not totally wiped out. It made its comeback during the Sui and T’ang because the reorganized state examination system forced the aspiring intellectuals and bureaucrats to study the Confucian classics. This Confucian revival meant a rejection of the Taoist search for immortality through alchemy and of the Buddhist concern with the supernatural and the afterlife. It returned to the ancient Chinese emphasis on mundane social and political matters, particularly ethics, and it reasserted the old agnostic, non-theistic tendencies of Chinese thought. (Fairbank, 1973: 149)During the Northern Sung, several emperors favored Taoism. The first to do so was T’ai-tsung (r. 976–997), who appreciated the fact that a Taoist priest had predicted his succession to the throne, thus repeating the pattern of the T’ang prophecy. His successor, Chen-tsung (r. 998–1022), patronized Taoism even more. He claimed to have had a dream in which a deity asked him to offer sacrifices in preparation for the receiving of a “Heavenly Script.” In 1008, a text came down from Heaven (tied to a kite) praising the emperor and modeled after the TTC. Historians see it as an outright fabrication, but much was needed then to improve the lost prestige of the throne after humiliating defeats in the north at the hands of the Khitan people (Liao Dynasty). Chen-tsung created another myth by naming a Taoist sage, Chao Hsuan-lang, as his ancestor (the Sung emperor’s family name was Chao), thus raising the importance of his ancestry (just as the T’ang emperor had done). He continued to worship Lao-tzu, built many Taoist temples, and performed the feng-shan sacrifices. Chen-tsung’s abuse of power was exemplifed in his mountain-building, a project that took six years to complete. Originally meant to improve his geomancy and to result in the birth of sons, it grew beyond reason and its price was astronomical: Strange stones and rare plants were shipped to the capital from all parts of the country, while upon Mount Ken, lofty peaks and streams abounded, tens of thousands of plum trees were planted, deer were introduced and numerous pavilions were built. (Yao, 1980: 15)The strongest patron of Taoism, however, was Hui-tsung (r. 1101–1125), who was called the “Taoist emperor” and supported Taoism at the expense of Buddhism. With 26 Taoist ranks created, Taoist priests and nuns were elevated to higher ranks than the Buddhists. In 1115, he called himself “Patriarchal Taoist Emperor.” The next year, Hui-tsung established “Taoist Learning,” and created two “doctorates,” each for the study of the Scripture of Internal Medicine, the TTC, the Chuang-tzu, and the Lieh-tzu. These measures affected Buddhism and the economy, especially when Hui-tsung started to use state funds for his extravagant building projects. In this he was advised by one of the most controversial Taoist priests of Chinese history, Lin Ling-su (d. 1120). He was responsible for the emperor’s anti-Buddhist campaigns, and also for persecution of his Taoist rivals. His intrigues backfired: He was exiled in 1120. All these excesses caused the downfall of the Sung. For a long time, North China was a battlefield between the Chin aggressors and the Sung armies. In 1126, the Sung were defeated and took refuge in the South, where they established themselves as the Southern Sung. During the Southern Sung, Taoism was not popular. Because of Hui-tsung’s former excesses. Taoism was subject to political repression. No emperor of the Southern Sung dared openly support Taoism, but two centers in the South remained active: Lung-hu Shan (Dragon and Tiger Mountain) and Mao Shan. The Taoist religion was favorably accepted by the literati because of the incorporation of Taoist ideas into Neo-Confucianism. In fact, the great masters of Neo-Confucian philosophy had all widely indulged in Buddhism and Taoism. Overall, the Sung dynasty was a period of great cultural and religious changes, in which Taoism occupied a special position because of its strong imperial patronage. Some of the notable transformations that should be cited are the founding of new Taoist schools, the flowering of inner alchemy, and the production of literary works—not only of complete sets of Taoist scriptures but of several very significant Taoist compilations. New Taoist schools that arose during the Sung are the Shen-hsiao School, specializing in thunder magic, and the T’ien-hsin School, an offshoot of the Cheng-yi School whose name derived from a new version of the fu-lu (talismans and registers) tradition titled “correct method of t’ien-hsin.” During the Southern Sung, while the north of China was ruled by the Chin invaders, three new religious schools (or orders) were founded: Complete Realization Taoism, Grand Unity Taoism, and Great Way Taoism. Only the first one survives today. Among the important Sung compilations that should be mentioned: Tao-fa hui-yuan (Corpus of Taoist Ritual) in 170 chapters (in the Taiwan edition vols. 47–50); Ling-pao ta-fa (Great Rituals of Ling-pao Taoism) (in vol. 51); and the often quoted encyclopedic collection Yün-chi ch’i-ch’ien (Seven Lots from the Bookbag of Clouds), compiled by Chang Chün-fang in 1028 or 1029. The Chin (North China) (1115–1235) and Yuan (1206–1368) Within the great chaos and suffering of the people in the North, new Taoist movements arose, providing “physical and spiritual shelter for the suffering masses” (Yao: 26). In these times of great stress and hardship, these new Taoist groups arose, partly as a reaction against the foreign rulers, partly to provide services to the people in distress. Three major Taoist organizations were founded in North China under the Jurchen Chin. Although they are usually called “sect” in Western literature (translation of p’ai), the term “order” is preferable, since they are comparable to religious orders in Christianity and cannot be considered “sectarian” movements. GRAND UNITY TAOISM (T’AI-YI TAO) Grand Unity Taoism was founded around 1138 by Hsiao Pao-chen in Honan, who used the magic powers of talismans in healing. Several patriarchs were patronized by the Chin court and later by the Mongols. They served as imperial advisors. No works of T’ai-yi origin exist and it is unclear how the school was terminated. There are records of seven patriarchs only; later the school seems to have lost its independent existence and to have been absorbed into Cheng-yi Taoism (this was the new name given to the Heavenly Masters School). Their teachings appear to be syncretic in nature: On the one hand, they practiced magic healing, on the other hand, they harmonized Taoist and Confucian, and perhaps also Buddhist teachings, stressing yielding, loyalty and trust, and compassion. GREAT WAY TAOISM (TA TAO, LATER CALLED CHEN TA TAO OR TRUE GREAT WAY) Its founder was Liu Te-jen, who started his school at the beginning of the Chin (around 1142?). According to legend, one day he met an old man in an oxcart who instructed him in teachings similar to the TTC. The basic teachings are summarized in nine precepts (see Yao: 36). Their syncretic nature is obvious: Loyalty, filial piety and sincerity reflect Confucianism; Buddhism can be seen in its ban on killing and its vegetarian diet. Taoist principles are manifest in many practices, such as tranquillity, a simple lifestyle gained through working in the fields, the curving of desires, and oneness with the mundane world. The Ta-Tao Order did not practice magic healing, but used prayer toward healing and exorcism to expel evil spirits. They had no interest in the methods to reach longevity/immortality. No writings have been left, but outside information indicates that they had little contact with the ruling dynasties. An important stone inscription was written by Yü-chi: it reflects the great successes of the Northern Taoist orders in general. After the ninth patriarch, there is no more record. It is assumed that the order declined and disappeared. COMPLETE REALIZATION TAOISM (CH’UAN-CHEN TAO) The name of this school has been translated in several ways: “Perfect Realization,” “Complete Realization,” “Complete Truth.” The epithet “complete” is preferable, as chen refers to realization, as in chen-jen, “realized or perfected person,” which is a common Taoist title for sages or immortals. This school or Taoist order is the most important among the three. Its founder is Wang Che (born around 1101), who changed his life at age 48, when he encountered two “supernatural beings.” He is most commonly known as Wang Ch’ung-yang (for his biography, see Yao: 41–52). His teachings are syncretistic, as can be seen in the “fifteen founding principles” collected by Wang’s followers (Yao: 73–85) and in the term san-chiao (three teachings), which he used for the religious communities he established. He attracted many followers, seven of whom are known as the “Seven Perfected.” The best known, and Wang’s eventual successor, is Ch’iu Ch’ang-ch’un. Salient points in the teaching of Ch’uan-chen are: its social assistance efforts (to help refugees), its contacts with the intellectuals, its efforts to save Chinese culture during a period of barbarian rule, the emancipation of women, and its publication of the Taoist canon. In 1216, Ch’iu Ch’ang-ch’un was summoned to court by the Chin emperor, but he refused to go. In 1219, he once again was invited by the Southern Sung emperor—another refusal. Yet in 1219, he accepted the summons of Genghis Khan from Central Asia. Ch’iu was already 72 when he set out for Samarkand. He arrived in 1222. His meeting with Genghis Khan was successful and Ch’iu returned to China with great honor (Yao: 132–143). He was put in charge of all monastic life in China, and, as a result, the Ch’uan-chen Order prospered and expanded rapidly. Not long afterward, however, conflicts with Buddhism arose. The Taoists’ renewed spread of the Lao-tzu hua-hu (“Lao-tzu Converting the Barbarians”) forgery and another “blasphemous” work, titled Book of the 81 Transformations (of Lao-tzu) were not the major reasons for conflict. The major bone of contention was the Taoist takeover of many previously Buddhist monasteries, deserted during the war years. A first debate took place in 1255, then another in 1258, under Khubi-lai Khan, with more than 700 participants: Buddhists, Taoists, and Confucian observers. The Taoists failed to answer the questions put to them and were declared to be the losers. Their punishment was that 17 Taoists had to shave their heads, and that 482 previous Buddhist monasteries, occupied by the Taoists, were to be returned to Buddhism. Moreover, all “forged” books had to be destroyed. The imperial edicts were not executed with strict rigor. The Buddhists complained and thus, in 1281, a new debate was organized at Khubilai’s court. The Taoists were unable to prove the authenticity of their scriptures, except that of the TTC. The imperial decision was, once more, to burn the Taoist scriptures, which had been painstakingly collected and published by the Ch’uan-chen Order. The Ch’uan-chen Taoists continued to flourish for some time, but once China was reunified under the Ming, other Taoist schools, such as the Heavenly Masters School, became more influential. Today, the Ch’uan-chen Order continues to exist. It remains a monastic order observing the rule of celibacy in contrast with the Heavenly Masters Taoists. In Beijing, one famous temple still exists—the White Cloud Monastery (Pai-yün kuan)—whereas in Taiwan, the Ch’uan-chen Order hardly survives. They still flourish in Hong Kong (B. Tsui, 1991). The Ming (1368–1644) and Ch’ing (1644–1911) Periods Taoism was favored by the Ming emperors. Not only did Taoist masters receive high honors and titles, but Taoism exercised a profound social influence during the period. True, the Ming period produced no outstanding Taoist philosopher, yet in all of Chinese history Taoism was never more powerful or more pervasive among all social strata than during this time. (Liu Ts’un-yan in de Bary, 1970: 291)Liu continues to say that Taoists “cultivated intimate friendships with powerful politicians” and that “the political influence of these Taoist priests ramified from the metropolis to every corner of the Ming empire” (Liu: 291). During the Ch’ing dynasty, Taoist masters were gradually stripped of their authority and rank. For Taoism, as well as for Buddhism, the Ch’ing or Manchu Dynasty was a period of decay and stagnation, which would continue through the republican period. The Heavenly Masters School had gained a favorite position during the Mongol regime and was eager to keep it (H. Welch: 156). In 1368, Chang Cheng-ch’ang visited the Ming court and was confirmed in his status. In 1383, a new Taoist control office was set up (Tao-lu szu) to supervise Taoist activities throughout the empire. Taoists were divided into two groups: Cheng-yi (or Heavenly Masters) and Ch’üan-chen. Emperor Shih-tsung (r. 1522–1567) is perhaps the last emperor to patronize Taoism. A Taoist priest was appointed as tutor of the heir apparent in 1524. During the Ch’ing period, Taoism was in decline. The Ch’ing rulers preferred the Buddhist lamas, who were apparently better qualified to perform magic. Only two emperors, Yung-cheng (r. 1723–1735) and Chia-ch’ing (r. 1796–1820), showed some interest in Taoism. Other rulers tried to reduce the number of Taoist priests (and Buddhist monks, as well). The K’ang-hsi emperor (r. 1662–1722), at the end of his long rule, became very skeptical of the Taoist claims of immortality: “They have no shame . . .” he stated, but they become old and die like anybody else. . . . when a commoner in Chiangnan offered me a book of his that claimed to contain secrets of immortality through alchemy, I ordered it thrown back at him. (J. Spence, 1974: 101–2)Still, he believed in the good results of tranquility gained through sitting in quietness, Taoist fashion (Spence: 106–7). During K’ang-hsi’s reign, the Jesuits were active in China, including in the capital, and made a strong impression of scholarship on many Chinese intellectuals. K’ang-hsi scorned them (in his diary) however, as much as the Buddhists and Taoists for “some of their words were no different from the wild and improper teachings of Buddhists and Taoists, and why should they be treated differently?” (Spence: 84). The famous Emperor Ch’ien-lung (r. 1736–1796) issued an edict in 1739 that fairly well represents the attitude of Ch’ing emperors in general. Buddhist and Taoist clergy were considered to be parasites, not only for failing to contribute food or clothing to society but for relying on the labor of others for their own living (K. Ch’en, 1964: 453–4). Further government restrictions, imposed on the Buddhist clergy, also applied to Taoism (Ch’en: 453). The assumed reason for these restrictive laws was the decay of the priesthood: Whatever the size of the samgha, one point is clear: moral and spiritual decadence was universal. Too many clerics entered the order not for the spiritual message of the Buddha or for religious discipline, but mainly to gain a livelihood. All too often they were the ones who failed to succeed in society or who wanted to escape from society because of some crimes committed. (Ch’en: 452–3)During the 19th century, China was forced to allow Christian missionaries to preach in their country due to treaties imposed upon China after the Opium Wars of 1842 and especially of 1857–58. As a result, missionary activity increased enormously throughout the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. Several Christian missionaries wrote gloomy reports about the condition of the Buddhist and Taoist clergy, thus creating a stereotype of ignorance, corruption, laziness, and superstitious activities (see H. Welch, 1968: 222ff). This was all partially true, but did not present a complete picture. In remote monasteries, perhaps never visited by those Christian writers, a minority of Buddhist monks and Taoist priests lived in isolation and practiced their spiritual programs in great earnest. Later Western authors have rectified this unbalanced and unfair perception (examples are Reichelt, Prip-Møller, and Goullart). | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 8 | A-Z Introduction Taoism in Modern Times | Taoism in Modern Times As during imperial times, the fate of religion in China was greatly affected by the enormous changes that shook the country. The beginning of the republic in 1912 can be seen as a new starting point. From 1949 (communist victory over the nationalists), developments were different on the mainland than in Taiwan, which became the stronghold of the nationalists. In mainland China (the People’s Republic of China or PRC), the Marxist leadership did not believe in the validity of religion. Yet from the start, they included “freedom of religious belief” in their new constitution. Religion is thus tolerated, but “superstition” is very different. Superstitious practices, which had constituted the livelihood of many Taoist priests, were outlawed. Besides, Taoism did not prove to be of any diplomatic importance, unlike Buddhism, which therefore received more government consideration. Already in the years of the new republic, some Taoists attempted to set up Taoist organizations. In 1912, a Central Association of Taoism was established, but it was only local (Peking) and was founded by the Complete Realization Order. In the same year, the Cheng-yi Taoists set up their own General Taoist Assembly of the Republic of China. Another local group was founded in 1932: the Chinese Taoist Association. After World War II, Shanghai Taoists had plans for the revival of Taoism. In 1947, they established the Shanghai Municipal Taoist Association, with Taoists Chang En-po (63rd Heavenly Master) and Chen Ying-ming (1880–1969) as leaders. The latter became very active in spreading Taoist culture through a journal called Yang-shan. After the PRC had been established, the national Taoist Association was founded in 1957, and in 1961, they defined their objectives: to study the history of Taoism, publish journals, and set up training programs for young candidates. But the “Ten Years of Chaos” (1966–77) stopped all efforts. All religious organizations suffered immensely. Temples and churches were destroyed, or at least closed down, or were used as auxiliary space by the government. It was a time of great suffering for all religious practitioners, exposed to the fanaticism of the “Red Guards,” who left trails of destruction everywhere. Only since 1978 has there been a comeback (see J. Pas, 1989). Religious associations have been restored, such as the Taoist Association of China, with its headquarters in the White Cloud Monastery in Beijing. By 1986, 21 key monasteries had been returned to the Taoists, and since 1990, training programs for new candidates were organized not only in Beijing but also in Shanghai and Chengtu. Rituals were revived, and the academic study of Taoism became more respectable. Despite these efforts for renewal and survival, some pessimism still remains as to the fate of Taoism in the future. In a 1995 issue of China Study Journal, Taoism is seen as a “dying religion” (following an article in the Hong Kong South China Morning Post, December 16, 1995). One symptom of the decline is singled out—the smaller number of pilgrims who went up to Mount Wu-tang (Wudangshan) on the god’s birthday. Instead of 30,000 expected visitors, only a few thousand showed up. Other voices are moderately optimistic and hope that the gap in recruiting new clergy (from 1949 to 1979) can still be filled. Yet Taoism lags behind Buddhism. According to official statistics, Taoism counts 600 temples and monasteries while Buddhism has 9,500. Taoism counts 6,000 priests and nuns, while Buddhism has 170,000 (China Study Journal 10–3, 1995: 31). The major difficulty that Taoism faces in the PRC is the flimsy official identification of Taoism with “feudal superstition.” Superstition includes agelong folk religion practices, such as fortune-telling, geomancy, palmistry, and even mediumship. These are considered different from acceptable religious practices, and are forbidden. But government regulations against superstition leave the door wide open for government officials to harass and boycott other, legal Taoist practices (see A. Seidel, 1989–90: 285–286). In China, two major Taoist schools are active; the Ch’üan-chen Order (monastic) and the Heavenly Masters School, whose ancient headquarters on Lung-hu Shan (Dragon and Tiger Mountain) are presently being restored. In Taiwan, the situation has been very different. No Taoist monastic life has been preserved (except for a recent new beginning: Taoist priestesses in Kaohsiung). All Taoists are householders (“fire-dwellers”), and their profession has been traditionally transmitted to their sons. The 64th successor of Chang Tao-ling lives in Taiwan and seems to (or tries to) control most of the Taiwan Taoists, especially those of his own order—the Heavenly Masters or Cheng-yi Taoists. They are popularly called “blackhead” Taoists, because in their rituals they wear a black hat with a gold pin, in contrast to the “redhead” Taoists, who wear a red headband. The redheads are popular practitioners—probably a carryover from ancient shamanism. Today, the services of Taoist priests are in great demand in Taiwan. Many temples organize special cosmic renewal festivals to purify the community and pray for divine blessings. Taoists are hired by the temple, while the temple committee runs temple affairs. Other centers of significant Chinese settlement, such as Hong Kong, Singapore, and Malaysia, also have witnessed a revival of Taoist activity. It appears that the laity have become more involved (Taiwan, Hong Kong). Lay people study the Taoist texts and gather on a regular basis to chant the scriptures. Taoist spirituality is not the monopoly of the priests. Besides, the Taoist clergy has rather limited training. They become apprentices at a young age, go through practical, on-the-spot training (instruments, writing, assisting in rituals, chanting), and once they can master the liturgy, they are ordained. But there is nothing like a seminary training available to them, at least not in Taiwan. On the mainland, however, Taoist monasteries provide some training and spiritual discipline for their young recruits. In other words, Taoism is still very much alive and although it still has a long way to go, some pessimistic forecasters such as H. Welch have proved to be mistaken. Today, after centuries of decay, the [Taoist] church has reached the end of the road. The sixty-third Celestial Master will probably be the last. The White Cloud Temple and a few others may be preserved as cultural monuments with a handful of priests as caretakers, but their religious function is over . . . (Welch, 1957: 156–7)In the West, Taoism has captured the attention of many. The philosophical writings stir the greatest interest, but many related areas, such as Taoist meditation, inner alchemy and the “martial arts” also are actively pursued. In the academic world, new aspects of the Taoist religious tradition have made us aware of the rich Taoist liturgical heritage. A great number of scholars from China and Japan to Europe and North America are actively engaged in the study of Taoism. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 9 | A-Z Introduction Taoism and Chinese Culture | Taoism and Chinese Culture In the TTC, there is a set of paradoxical aphorisms about what appears to be, as opposed to what really is: “Great achievements are as if deficient . . . great fullness is as if empty . . .” (Chapter 45). “Superior virtue/power appears as non-virtue/power; therefore there is [real] virtue/power” (Chapter 38). This is an excellent assessment of Taoism and its role in the long history of Chinese civilization. It has been a strong and staying force in Chinese cultural history, while often appearing as weak and helpless. Several analogies can be used to illustrate the profound influence of the Taoist tradition on China’s cultural development (of course we here naively assume that Taoism is a unified system, whereas, in fact, it is not that clear. See below). One analogy is the symbol of two currents in a river, a second is the contrast between establishment and counterculture. A third analogy is found in the application of Yin-Yang philosophy. These three analogies are slightly different, yet have much in common—they are three images of one reality. Rivers have two kinds of currents: those on the surface, and those deeper down. In Chinese history, Confucianism represents the surface current. Officially sponsored, it was the most visible and the most acceptable norm of thinking and behavior. However, the undercurrents of a river are also very real. Though invisibly contained on the riverbed, they are an image of the deeper levels of human society (and of the human psyche, as well). These two levels interact in mysterious ways. The surface may be calm, but the deeper currents may be in motion and treacherous (and surprise unaware swimmers), or the surface may be in turmoil, while the lower levels are calm and undisturbed. The analogy of official as opposed to unofficial culture has been noticed. If Confucianism can be compared to “establishment” and its set of values, Taoism fits easily into the pattern of “counter-culture.” Official values are represented by government, the world of big business, education and church, all dictating how one should think and behave in a socially acceptable way. Counterculture embraces the opposite, the failure to go along officially, and includes various ways of dropping out, the rejection of established tradition, and experimentation with new, sometimes wild and esoteric ideas (drugs, sexual freedom, new art forms, etc.). In counterculture, one feels no longer bound to perform and be successful; it is acceptable to do one’s own thing, even if it leads to “failure” (this discussion is a paraphrase of Ellwood, 1982: 168–169). The analogy of yin and yang is also very suggestive. Confucianism is symbolized by yang; Taoism by yin. Whereas yang is strong, domineering, creative, and aggressive (qualities that apply to Confucianism), yin is weak, submissive, nurturing, and yielding (clearly applicable to Taoism). Yet, just as the universe consists of yin and yang, in continuous tension but in ultimate harmony, Chinese society cannot exist without its yin-yang balance. Since in each person there is yin and yang, there is something of a Confucian and something of a Taoist in every Chinese. This has been marvelously expressed by a Chinese scholar: A Chinese intellectual may outwardly be a Confucianist, but at the bottom he is a Taoist . . . We are socially Confucian and individually Taoist.Recognizing, in principle, Taoist influence upon Chinese culture, is there any way of pinpointing concrete examples of such an influence? There is, but we must keep in mind that there has been a complex network of interactions and that isolating Taoism as one particular component is perhaps artificial and misleading. With this caution, it is possible to isolate particular areas of Taoist influence on Chinese cultural history. These areas refer to the Chinese view of life (or aspects of the “Chinese character”), the fine arts, science and technology, philosophy and religion, political rule, and the “martial arts.” The Chinese view of life is based on oneness with nature and includes the acceptance of fate, acceptance of life and death as predetermined and natural phases in the transformation of the cosmos, and resignation to the inevitable, even if many people secretly hope there is immortality, or at least a chance for reincarnation (but that would be due to Buddhist influence). Expressed in a different way, the Taoist input would inspire people to go along with the flow, to take things easy, not to worry about what cannot be helped. Yet at the same time, few peoples are so active and enterprising as the Chinese, so prepared to “cheat” fate, or to get around it. Taoists are also said to be nonconformists, rebels and anarchists, hating conventions. That is certainly true for some, but as a people, the Chinese are rather gregarious, finding safety in their families or groups, rather uncertain about standing out. That is another paradox. Taoist influence on the arts has been often recognized, but it is difficult to isolate it from the overall Chinese spirit. One factor, more Taoist than anything else, is Chinese love of nature, expressed over and over in their poetry and landscape painting. Oneness with nature is at its best here; no words are wasted on it, but it is implicit in concrete images and symbols. Landscape is one of the favorite topics of Chinese painting, but its theme differs from western styles; it embodies the Chinese principles of oneness of heaven and earth with humanity, or the oneness of the macrocosm with the microcosm. Most paintings show scenery, mountains and water, and vegetation, but usually there is a human presence in it, however small and insignificant it may be. Humans do not dominate the landscape, they are a humble part of it. Very often, landscapes express serenity, because somewhere hidden among the trees or bamboo plants, there is a hut or cottage with a hermit sitting in quiet meditation, or playing the lute, or drinking wine with a friend. A Taoist recluse? Or perhaps an ex-Confucian turned Taoist in failure? Whatever the case, the sense of oneness between the recluse and surrounding nature is intense. This was marvelously expressed by a 17th-century art critic, Wang Kai (ca. 1679): In landscape painting . . . a figure should seem to be contemplating the mountain; the mountain, in turn, should seem to be bending over and watching the figure. A lute player plucking his instrument should appear also to be listening to the moon, while the moon, calm and still, appears to be listening to the notes of the lute. Figures should in fact be depicted in such a way that people looking at a painting wish they could change places with them. (Arts of China: 205)Discussion of Taoism and its impact on art can fill volumes. But one final observation is a must. Chinese painting is different from most other styles in its simplicity, its “emptiness.” Canvasses or scrolls are not crammed with figures and paint or ink. Most of the space is empty—it is like “being” in “nonbeing.” Whatever figures appear stand out against a backdrop of emptiness. There is room for moving around, there is room for imagination in the viewer’s mind. This is strongly reminiscent of a well-known passage in the TTC: “Thirty spokes converge on one hub,That is to say that a carriage is put together by assembling a number of materials: Without them, there is no vehicle. But it is its empty space that makes the vehicle useful: It may carry people or things to various destinations. On a different level, “emptiness” in painting has its function, almost as much as what is actually depicted. Taoism has its “magic finger” in other art forms as well—architecture and landscaping spontaneously come to mind. Who can forget the Taoist-inspired islands and mountains of the immortals constructed by Sui Emperor Wen and Sung Emperor Hui-tsung, who brought ruin to the empire? The cultivation of miniature trees (bonzai in Japanese) and the representation of the Eight Immortals (and other sages) in sculpture and other folkloristic media are further expressions of Taoist inspiration. It must be admitted, however, that Buddhist sculpture has always been much more abundant than Taoist sculpture. Taoist contributions to science and technology are significant, although in the past too many medals have been pinned on the wrong breasts. This means: Not all scientific discoveries in China should be credited to Taoism. It is far from certain, for example, that external alchemy and Chinese traditional medicine are the result of specifically Taoist experimentation. The earliest Chinese alchemists known in history were called fang-shih (magicians) and were not Taoists. Chinese medicine, with its various branches (acupuncture, moxibustion, herbal medicine, pulse reading, etc.), is not a clear product of Taoist masters. But it is also true that many alchemists and practitioners of medicine were indeed Taoists, who therefore deserve some credit for the advancement of medicine and alchemy and its concomitant sciences: botany, chemistry, metallurgy, physiology, geography, astronomy, sexology, etc. (More information on this is found in J. Needham’s impressive set of volumes: Science and Civilization in China. But also see N. Sivin, 1978.) A delightful story is told in Chapter 5 of the Lieh-tzu (dating at the latest from the third century CE): the first recorded “heart transplant” in history. It is the story of a Chinese doctor who operated on two patients, each of whom had the wrong kind of “heart” for their “temperament.” Under sedation, he exchanged their hearts and changed their lives (Graham 1960: 106–107). Appearing in a Taoist work, it is suggested that this doctor was indeed a Taoist. Philosophy and religion have most unambiguously been affected by Taoism; we already know that there is a Taoist philosophy and a Taoist religion. But we have to go beyond the obvious. Taoism has affected Chinese philosophy and religion beyond its own boundaries. Although inspired and challenged by Buddhism in its early history, Taoism in return moved Buddhism to new heights of growth. Buddhism was a “foreign” import (both Confucianists and Taoists would remind them forever!), while Taoism was a native product—an enviable position for outside competitors. Buddhism was eventually successful in adapting itself to the Chinese culture scene. When it started to take root in Chinese soil, it attracted many literati who had been trained in either classical culture (Confucianism) or in Taoism. Chih-tun and Hui-yuan are examples of “eminent monks” who were Taoists “converted” to Buddhism. During the North-South division, the newly emerging Taoist schools (Mao-shan, Ling-pao) had been incorporating many ideas from the Taoist philosophical tradition. Some of these ideas must have infiltrated Buddhism, for during the T’ang period we see the gradual emergence of a new Buddhist school—the Ch’an or meditation school (Japanese Zen). This tradition is being studied in great detail by modern scholars. But one thing is certain: this new Buddhism is of Chinese vintage, produced by a mixing of two quality wines. The story does not end here: Ch’an became very successful in China, and was particularly attractive to intellectuals. When Buddhism started to decline (after the suppression of 842–845 and the subsequent Huang Ch’ao rebellion 875–884), Confucian-oriented literati found inspiration in Ch’an Buddhism. The final result of a long search for revival was the growth of what westerners call “Neo-Confucianism.” Through Ch’an, this new school embodied a strong dose of Taoist concepts and spiritual practices, so much so that today many scholars call this new brand of Confucian learning a “religion,” which is overstating the case. It is more accurate to call it a “spiritual culture.” Many Chinese literati of late imperial China did not emphasize the differences of the “three teachings” (san-chiao), but their basic unity. This was perhaps a simplification of things, but also shows how much all three systems had mutually interacted. Taoism was certainly a source of great inspiration in this process of “syncretism.” The relationships between Taoism and the Chinese government have not been easy over the centuries, with numerous complicated interactions between the two poles. On the one hand, Taoism supported the state, in particular some imperial families (T’ang, Sung, and the Northern Wei) and, in return, received honors, economic advantages (building of temples), and overall imperial patronage. Some famous monks were invited to court and served as imperial advisors or as tutors of imperial princes. This occurred especially during the T’ang and Sung eras, but was repeated by the Chin (Jurchen) rulers in North China. Genghis Khan summoned Ch’uan-chen monk Ch’iu Ch’u-chi to his encampment in Central Asia, and although he could not offer any drugs for immortality, Genghis was impressed by the good advice he received and sent Ch’iu back to China with honor and new powers. On the other hand, the relationship between the imperial government and the Taoist establishment has sometimes been strenuous. One of the earliest examples of Taoist antigovernment activity is the Yellow Turban uprising (184 CE). It did not overthrow the ruling Han house, but weakened it enough that it did not survive for a long time. This kind of uprising would be repeated many times in later history. During the Period of Disunity, a new myth arose about a future messianic figure named Li Hung, who would come and restore a reign of peace on earth. This was more an outflow of popular Taoism, not approved of by the Taoist establishment. Several uprisings occurred that were suppressed by the government. The T’ang claim of being descended from Lao-tzu (last name was Li) must also be understood in the same messianic context (A. Seidel, 1969/70). This sequence of sporadic uprisings made Taoism rather suspect in the eyes of any subsequent government. It had always been the official state doctrine that the rulers had the monopoly of worship, and although Taoism and Buddhism were mostly tolerated, the government watched them carefully, hoping to stave off anti-government activities. Secret societies plotting the overthrow of corrupt dynasties have been a particular characteristic of Chinese political history. Some were successful and received the mandate, but in most cases they were defeated and the leaders executed. Taoist ideology had a role in this, but Buddhism (at least popular Buddhism) likewise often engaged in revolt. A detailed history of secret societies would fill several volumes. However, most of these secret societies were syncretistic, combining concepts of Taoist and Buddhist origin with aspects of the overall popular religion. They were particularly active in times of social unrest, often caused by political abuse or incompetence and economic disasters. The polar relationship between government and Taoism (and religion in general) continued after the republic was established in 1912. Finally, a word about Taoism and the martial arts. There has been a proliferation of techniques, loosely grouped together as “martial arts,” but consisting of widely divergent practices. It is an overstatement to generalize and call them all “Taoist.” Some have been inspired by Taoist principles, others are probably of Buddhist origin, but they also could be considered generally “Chinese,” incorporating a variety of influences. In a wide sense, martial arts include a variety of body exercises in which the unity of body-mind is always maintained. One may distinguish gymnastics (tao-yin), which focuses on individual exercises, and the martial arts in a stricter sense. Some techniques can be considered gentle: t’ai-chi-ch’uan/taijichuan and ch’i-kung/qigong. Others are not so gentle, but aim at self-defense such as kung-fu (and techniques developed in Japan, including judo, aikido, and kendo). Finally, some techniques may be considered aggressive or offensive and originated in Japan, such as karate; or Korea such as taekwando. (See separate entries for tao-yin, t’ai-chi-ch’uan, ch’i-kung.) The history of the origin and development of these various techniques is not always clear, but there is unmistakable evidence that some types of gymnastics for health were already practiced in the second century BCE. There also is a strong belief that t’ai-chi-ch’uan was created by a Taoist priest living on Mount Wu-tang (in Hupei province) during the 14th century. (See Chang San-feng.) What all these techniques have in common are the two following characteristics: First, they are intended to promote a person’s well-being (including safety from attack) and longevity. Keeping the body-mind continuum healthy and vital is the best preventive medicine. Second, the emphasis is always on body-mind unity. Brute force is not sufficient to overcome an attacker, one must be mentally concentrated. As recent studies point out, body and mind are ultimately one. “The body is essentially fluid and so is the mind. Beings are not solid, material entities, but are highly differentiated combinations of energy” (Ishida in L. Kohn, 1989: 68). | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 10 | A-Z Introduction Unity versus Multiplicity | Unity versus Multiplicity Whether Taoism is one or many remains an ongoing question, one which may never be solved. Answers vary, depending on one’s personal understanding of a complex tradition, and are influenced by many factors, including one’s exposure to various aspects of Taoism, as well as by missing some other important aspects. Perhaps it is just a matter of interpretation. But let’s first explain the problem, next discuss some of the solutions that have been proposed, and, finally, present an interpretation that does not pretend to be totally new, but has some merit of originality. The Problem. At least two major “branches” or “streams” of Taoism have been distinguished: “philosophical Taoism” and “religious Taoism.” We should abolish this terminology once and for all and use instead “Taoist philosophy” and “Taoist religion.” By analogy, nobody talks about “philosophical Buddhism” and “religious Buddhism,” whereas “Buddhist philosophy” and “Buddhist religion” are quite acceptable terms. For the same reason, one should avoid terms such as “liturgical Taoism,” “mystical Taoism” or “monastic Taoism” and rather use “Taoist liturgy,” “Taoist mysticism,” “Taoist monasticism.” It is remarkable that Taoism (that old rebel!) is unlike other religions in its genesis and development. In other religious traditions—for example, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam—there is at first a prophet, an enlightened teacher who spreads his message and inspires the birth of a community of followers. The message is at first remembered and orally transmitted, and eventually recorded in scriptures. This is still the stage of simple religion. But once the movement is solidified, great minds start to build various systems of “theology,” which are rational (philosophical) elaborations of the original revelation. In Buddhism appeared Abhidharma treatises and numerous schools of philosophy, all contending and claiming to interpret the Buddha’s message. In Christianity appeared an incredible number of apologists, church fathers and theologians, and, likewise, in Islam, a great number of scholars built up rational systematizations of Mohammed’s revelation, first deposited in the Koran. This may be a simplification of history, but the essential pattern is that first there is a religious message and a religious community accepting the message, then there is a “philosophical” (rational) elaboration of the message. In the case of Taoism, the reverse happened: There was first a group of thinkers, or even several groups, who proposed a certain philosophy of government in various modalities. This philosophy was at first not very systematized and it had nothing to do with any sort of religious cult. It was a humanistic blueprint for an ideal laissez-faire government, to ensure harmony in the world. It was only 400 or 500 years later that a religious movement arose, which at first had nothing in common with the old school of Taoist thought, except perhaps the person of Lao-tzu, who had gone through a thorough process of transformation and had become deified, but not by the original thinkers themselves. That religious movement was radically different from the earlier “schools” of Taoist thought. There were charismatic leaders, claiming to have received revelations. They organized their members into religious units, performed rituals of worship, penance and healing, and were helping to establish a utopian state on earth with the promise of eternal life in the hereafter. Worship of T’ai-shang Lao-chün and other deities was central. This description of two movements, one philosophical-political, one religious-political, emphasizes their differences. One could, and often does, seek out similarities, but these probably date from a later period when the original distinctions became blurred, so that the issue was no longer obvious. A gradual absorption took place, a rereading and reinterpretation of Taoist philosophical concepts to enrich the new religious world view. The appropriation of the TTC itself by the Heavenly Masters School was a significant operation. This text, produced for the inspiration of political rulers, was reinterpreted in a religious sense. Of course, since the TTC contains great instructions for spiritual cultivation, these aspects could be easily “converted” and be given a religious orientation. Nevertheless, the distortion is noticeable. In China, two terms have been coined to differentiate between the two movements: Tao-chia and Tao-chiao (see above under “Starting on the Way”). Tao-chia appeared first, a practical term the Han used to group a number of philosophical texts discussing the Tao. Here, chia means “school of thought.” The term Tao-chiao was created later, and although chiao does not per se mean “religion” but “teaching,” it was soon used to indicate the Taoist religious movement, in contrast with other groups, such as Fo-chiao, the (newly arrived) Buddhist religion. Today’s Chinese specialists are not in mutual agreement about the relationship between Tao-chia and Tao-chiao. It is significant that many books produced in recent years have Tao-chiao in their title, and do not discuss Taoist philosophy at all. (See works by Ch’ing Hsi-tai, Ren Jiyu, etc.) In encyclopedias of Taoism (Tao-chiao ta tz’u-tien) we do find many entries of Taoist philosophy, but it would be impossible to find a Chinese term that includes both religion and philosophy. A similar situation exists in western languages: the term “Taoism” is ambiguous. To make one’s intention clear, one must specify and create new terms; “Taoist philosophy” and “Taoist religion” remain the two best terms. Proposed Solutions. What have modern scholars proposed as a solution? There are two opposite groups. First, those who make a clear distinction between Tao-chia and Tao-chiao, and, more recently, those who see beyond the distinctions, or even ignore them, to discover a basic unity. The strongest proponent of multiple Taoism was H. Creel (1956/1970), who probably coined the term “philosophic” Taoism and inspired the term “religious” Taoism, a vocabulary that, unfortunately, still haunts modern scholarship: In my opinion philosophic Taoism (including both the “contemplative” and the “purposive” aspects) and Hsien Taoism not only were never identical; their associations, even, have been minimal. (Creel 1970: 11)Creel divides Taoism into two distinct branches. One, he decides, is philosophic and can be broken down under the categories of “contemplative” and “purposive.” The TTC and the Chuang-tzu represent each subdivision, respectively. The second branch is called Hsien Taoism, which is the cult of immortality, the striving for hsienship. Missing from this listing is the Taoist religion, starting with the Heavenly Masters in the second century CE, which cannot be simply identified with “Hsien Taoism.” Creel’s imperfect division still had a strong influence on later scholarship, and for a long time his distinction of two kinds of Taoism was generally accepted. It did, in fact almost coincide with the Chinese distinction of Tao-chia and Tao-chiao. What Creel overlooked was the reality of a Taoist priesthood and their rituals, and the existence of a body of scriptures (Tao-Tsang). Still, somehow Creel’s view is not dead yet. M. Strickmann, for one, states that: . . . the two opposing faces of Taoism, philosophical and religious . . . in reality represent two such disparate phenomena that they do not admit of meaningful comparison. (1979: 166)He proposes to reserve the word Taoist “only in referring to those who recognize the historical position of Chang Tao-ling . . .” (165). This solution is fraught with difficulties and does not find favor with modern specialists, who prefer to emphasize the unity in Taoism as: . . . a single cultural system. This position is especially held by scholars who have done the most intensive study of Taoist history and literature, particularly the diverse array of materials preserved in the Chinese Taoist canon . . . (HCDR, 1995: 1054)On the other hand, those who have done fieldwork and have seen Taoism in action have also been struck by the discrepancies between the ritual tradition and the more intellectual aspects of the philosophical tradition. There is, in other words, a real dilemma when it comes to properly “naming” the tradition. A recent review article provided a good analysis of the current situation, but the final estimate remains inconclusive (C. Bell, 1993). A New Proposal. How to solve the dilemma? There are some principles that shed light on this darkness, illuminating directions toward a solution. First of all, can Taoism be defined “in terms of some principles of inner coherence . . .”? (C. Bell: 189). In view of the discussion in the body of this introduction, it does not seem likely. What unites all branches, all types of Taoism, is perhaps only a name: Tao. That does not help at all. One must analyze the intentionality, the purpose, of each aspect of Taoism. What is its objective? What are the means of reaching it? If one “listens” carefully, some answers will be suggested. They can be supported by historical evidence, by analysis of texts, by observation of social realities. The answer that comes to mind most clearly is that the various branches of Taoism have distinct orientations, distinct intentionalities, and are based on two basically different worldviews: One may call them Taoist naturalism and Taoist theism. They are like two strands running through the tradition, sometimes quite distinct, sometimes overlapping, but essentially different. In Taoist naturalism, there is no personal creator god, but an impersonal creative force, named Tao for the sake of convenience. There are spiritual beings in the universe, but no divine beings to be worshipped. Without a belief in a continued existence after death, there are still strongly held spiritual values. This is the worldview of the Taoist philosophers Lao-tzu, Chuang-tzu, Huai-nan-tzu, and even Huang-Lao Taoism. Its goal is to bring humanity, under sage rulership, in tune with the cosmos. The social goal is to bring order to the world, and the personal goal is natural mysticism, oneness with the ultimate Tao, freedom and joy. Taoist theism, on the other hand, requires belief in and the worship of a deity (one or many, or later as a triad). There are gods in the cosmos, as well as gods in the human body, from whom meditation secures help. There is belief in salvation, either as an “immortal” in paradise (for a very small elite only) or some sort of eternal life, not clearly formulated (for the masses). There is a gray area, a no-man’s land, in between, where distinctions are not so clearly perceived, where the two worldviews may overlap in the subconsciousness of the adept and in his/her conscious practices. It is, for instance, difficult to place alchemy in this scheme. “Inner” alchemy is mostly theistic (the support of the inner gods is essential), but “outer” alchemy could be just a naturalist attempt to prolong life and to produce, in a quasi-scientific way, pills or elixirs to continue life indefinitely. This distinction of two strands, two intentionalities, in Taoism helps to alleviate the dilemma. What remains a riddle is why many Taoist practitioners, even today, and many scholars of Taoism emphasize the oneness of the Taoist “body.” One can easily see major parts in a body, such as head, abdomen, limbs, yet we all know that these disjointed parts comprise an organic unity. In the case of Taoism, this metaphor is not so clear, unless we call Taoism a schizophrenic entity, torn between different directions. One reason why Taoist religionists prefer to call Taoism a “unified cultural system” is that Taoist religious literature is coated in philosophical terminology. Whereas Chuang-tzu’s mystical language can be easily adopted and given religious significance, it does not make his mysticism theistic. Chuang-tzu’s is essentially a naturalist mysticism; union with the Tao is not like union with a personal divine being! Further, admittedly, the TTC contains many quasi-mystical passages and emphasizes spiritual cultivation as a means to good rulership, but this does not make the TTC a religious document. It is, however, easy to see how the meaning of the text can be reinterpreted in a religious sense. In other words, the religious writers of later ages have “converted” the philosophical texts of early Taoism into religious documents. The distinction between the two became blurred, but if we focus on their basic intentionality, we must admit that they are on two separate levels. Taoism as a unified system, it seems, only exists in the minds of Taoist adepts and scholars, though it is a matter of interpretation. To use a comparative analogy: If a devoted Christian believes in reincarnation, it is only a subjective synthesis, it does not mean that Christianity and Buddhism are a “unified cultural system.” Another analogy is perhaps even sharper: We all know the essential difference between a meat diet and a protein-rich bean curd diet. But some Chinese Buddhists are very talented at making “meat” dishes out of bean curd. Although it may be deceptive, it does not take away the basic difference between the two. To conclude: As long as naturalism and theism are being confused, the problem of Taoism cannot be solved. This is only a concrete application of the confusion that exists concerning the nature of religion. Religion is theistic; it deals with divine beings, however they are conceived, and is expressed by acts of worship. Its opposite is spiritual culture; it is humanistic and strives for the realization of human perfection, without reliance on divine agents. It is based on self-effort, in contrast with religion, which relies on other power. The cause of confusion is that the two often overlap, most commonly in one direction; those who practice religion usually also practice spiritual culture, although in a different mind frame. If one keeps this distinction in mind, other problems may be solved as well. Early Buddhism, the teaching of Gautama, was not religious, it was spiritual culture. Buddhism became religious with the “deification” of the Buddha. For Buddhism, as well as for the early Jains, praying to the gods was of no help whatsoever—the gods themselves needed emancipation. Going one step further: Confucianism, always considered to be a humanist doctrine, is indeed also a spiritual culture. But just because Confucians meditate, one cannot call them religious practitioners. They remain in the sphere of naturalism. Tao means “road, way, or path,” and “Taoism” is a word that implies a doctrine of the way. But there is more than one way to the top of the mountain. Besides, there is more than one mountaintop. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 11 | A-Z Introduction Once Again: The Nature of Taoism | Once Again: The Nature of Taoism This is partially a recapitulation of what has already been discussed, but goes one step further: It is a final statement about the essence of Taoism. As was said before, in very general terms Taoism is a cultural system focusing on the Tao, the Way. Meanwhile, one has discovered that there are at least two “Ways”: a naturalist and a theistic Way. Each has its own intentionality (purpose, objective) and its own methods for reaching it. One could object and say, “This is all theory, a matter of dry definition.” Well, yes and no; clear distinctions are necessary and useful, but in real life they are often deceptive. Here the definitions are analyzed, and what anyone does with them is a matter of personal decision. In other words, it is perhaps possible to walk on two “ways.” This is what many religious believers actually do. They believe in theism and they also follow the principles of naturalism. The former presupposes the latter, but not vice versa. A religious-oriented person worships deities, believes in a salvation and an afterlife, but also accepts humanistic principles (a code of ethics) and naturalist goals in life (freedom, happiness, physical love, economics, and physical well-being). In fact, many religious people pray to their gods just for those earthly blessings. A naturalist-oriented person does not worship any gods, does not demand a continued existence after this life; he/she is happy with a fulfilling earthly existence, which includes both material comfort and a spiritual dimension. The above can easily be applied to Taoism. If asked the question “What is Taoism?” one could and should say Taoism is a system of the “Way,” but there are at least “two ways.” The first one is naturalism, humanism. When this system was first devised and developed, its intention was to understand the nature of reality (Tao), to adjust one’s life to it, and to apply it in ruling the country. This is the Tao-chia: the way of insight applied to government. This kind of Taoism hardly became a social reality, it was a “school of thought,” not an organized body. As a way of governing, it was never put to use (only partially and very rarely, because rulers did not like to follow wu-wei principles). In our modern world, this “way” is still attractive for many; the popularity of the TTC and the Chuang-tzu proves it. But it has become a “way” for personal spiritual growth, not a “way” applied in government. The Chinese government often acts in diametrical opposition to Taoist principles. Still, this kind of Taoism is universal and exerts a lasting attraction. The second kind of Taoism is theism, a full-fledged religious system with deities to worship, holy scriptures, a priesthood to perform rituals, temples, monastic life, and all the paraphernalia of religion, embodied in social reality. This is Taoism that is particular (not universal), a part of the overall system of the Chinese religious tradition, yet somehow distinct from it, because it is elitist—and it is that in two ways. First, it is elitist because the priests of Taoism are not part of the popular religion per se, although they often interact with it. Their services are required whenever communities or individuals wish to pray to their deities to obtain this-worldly blessings. The priests have their own esoteric tools of the trade: scriptures, which the common people do not understand, and various techniques to implore blessings from gods and goddesses. This Taoism focuses on the liturgy. Second, Taoism is elitist in its monastic life. Monks and nuns live a celibate life in seclusion, are basically concerned with their own spiritual perfection. They meditate, read the scriptures, perform some kinds of martial arts (mostly ch’i-kung and t’ai-chi ch’uan), and follow an ascetic lifestyle, hoping to attain longevity and possibly to become an “immortal.” This lifestyle was once embodied in Shang-ch’ing Taoism, and was taken over by the Ch’uan-chen order, which still exists today. The distinction between these two elite Taoisms can be effectively compared with Roman Catholic practices. There are “secular” priests who serve congregations and perform the Christian liturgy, and “monastics,” priests (monks) and nuns who live in community and seclusion. Their goal is to reach Christian perfection, mainly by observing three vows: poverty, chastity, and obedience. In actual fact, the two classes of practitioners sometimes overlap: Some monastics also can be in charge of parish communities. In general, however, the Christian model is very similar to the Taoist situation. Taoist theism is particular to China and to Chinese communities elsewhere in the world. Its goals and methods are culture-bound, and so not particularly meaningful to Westerners. Still, these Taoists have elicited the interest and attention of cultural anthropologists and historians of religion as an intellectual pursuit. Some aspects of their tradition can also be singled out and adopted by Westerners and more or less integrated into a different, even non-Taoist lifestyle. Diet, martial arts, and techniques of meditation are the most popular aspects derived from Taoism that appeal to a Western audience. If a Westerner, a convinced Christian, is sometimes able to incorporate Buddhist elements into his/her Christian worldview without psychological conflict, so likewise can Taoist elements enrich a Western way of living. The most promising in that respect are the writings of the Taoist philosophers, which are universal and eternal. The world should be grateful to China not only for teaching us the secrets of “bean curd” but for its invaluable gift of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 12 | A-Z Note on Spelling | Note on Spelling Because the Chinese language does not have an alphabet, several romanization systems have been designed to present the equivalents of Chinese sounds with the help of the western alphabet. The most commonly used systems today are: the Wade-Giles system and the pinyin system. The Wade-Giles system is the oldest and is still used by the Library of Congress and in many scholarly publications. But the pinyin system, devised in China during the 1950s, is becoming more and more acceptable in modern writings (it is the system used in English publications made in China, as well as in the western news media). In this volume, I prefer the Wade-Giles system (with a few exceptions), but in all entry titles, I use both systems, as, for example: Chang Tao-ling/Zhang Daoling Tao-te ching/Daodejing T’ai-chi ch’uan/Taijichuan The Wade-Giles system often uses hyphens in proper names (Chang Tao-ling) or in monosyllabic words that form a unit (such as T’ai-chi). These hyphens are omitted in the pinyin system: Two or three words are then spelled as units (Taiji), because they are considered to be compounds. My exceptions to the Wade-Giles system concern the use of some diacritics (“umlauts”) in such words as yüan, hsüeh, etc. Because these diacritics are not necessary, I simply omit them. Also, words spelled with an initial “i” are changed to “yi” (as in the pinyin system): the reason is that terms such as I ching are often mispronounced by English speakers. To avoid this, I prefer Yi ching. I don’t object to pinyin romanization per se, only its intrusion into western languages. The major examples are the spelling of Taoism, Taoist, and even Tao. Very often these words are spelled Daoism, Daoist, and Dao, which is not only misleading (leads to mispronunciation), but these words were already accepted into the English and other languages, before the pinyin system was introduced. The pinyin system should not interfere with other languages. When Tao occurs in Chinese words or expressions, the spelling Dao is acceptable (like Daodejing). One more observation is important: Throughout the introduction and the dictionary proper, some words appear in bold. This means there are other entries in the dictionary that the reader may wish to consult. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 13 | A-Z Preface | Preface Taoism is a very complex cultural tradition, which had a deep influence on Chinese ways of thinking and spiritual practice. In the West, Europe and North America, Taoism is best known through translations of the philosophical writings of the Tao Te Ching (abbreviated TTC) and Chuang-tzu (not always properly understood) and through some of its “side products,” the martial arts, Chinese medicine, and many of its “pseudo products,” the growing number of books titled “The Tao of . . .” authors of which are more motivated by the “Tao of profitmaking” than by the real Tao. Taoism deserves to be better known in the West. But it must be understood the way it really was or is, not as it is imagined to be. In this volume, I have incorporated mostly secondary information, either from Chinese or western language sources. If one would attempt to walk the Way alone, and find all one’s data in primary sources, one lifetime would not be long enough. And there is some urgency in producing a volume on Taoism that is both informative and attractive. What attracts me the most to Taoism is its philosophy. Taoism as a religion is also colorful, sometimes mysterious, sometimes weird, sometimes senseless. As a religion, it is fascinating to study, but I would not incorporate it into my own life. I do not believe in the stories about “immortals” or Taoist authors who claim that physical immortality is within human reach. That, to me, is an illusion. But in the philosophical writings, I find a rich treasure-house of wisdom that is meaningful in my own life. The TTC and the Chuang-tzu are “springs” that connect underground with the sources of a “perennial philosophy.” And they are free from religious illusion, appealing to the universal human mind, and promote the human capacity for self-transcendence. Having expressed my own views about Taoism, it is, however, necessary to explain the rationale of this volume, since it includes many items that are part of the Taoist religion. Readers have the right to be informed, and in providing information about many aspects of the Taoist religion, I have tried to be objective and historically correct. In recent decennia, Taoism has received tremendous scholarly attention, both in the East (China and Japan) and in the West (Europe and North America). Anna Seidel’s “Chronicle of Taoist Studies in the West” (CEA, 5, 1989–90) and Franciscus Verellen’s state-of-the-art report (JAS, 54, 1995: 322–346) are excellent indicators of how much Taoism has gained. Yet, deplorably, there exists as yet no in-depth general survey of the Taoist tradition in a western language. H. Welch’s Parting of the Way is out of date, and Isabelle Robinet’s Histoire du Taoïsme, although excellent from a historical viewpoint, does not sufficiently cover the Taoist philosophical tradition and also omits the issue of Taoism in modern times. The present volume attempts to temporarily fill the gap. In writing the nearly 275 entries, I relied heavily on the expertise of past and present Taoist scholars, sometimes on the work of Chinese scholars, especially on dictionaries and encyclopedias of Taoism published in recent years. I dare not compare this present modest volume with the huge publications in China and Japan. An example is Encyclopedia of Chinese Taoism (Zhonghua Daojiao da cidian), published in Beijing in 1995, which consists of 2,207 pages in small print and is extremely detailed—obviously meant for Chinese readership. It lists a few hundred contributors. A Japanese volume titled Dictionary of Taoism (Dokyo jiten), published in Tokyo in 1994, has 1,141 entries, written by 132 contributors. By contrast, a volume put together by one person, with the assistance of one other, cannot pretend to be a final product. It is, in fact, meant to be a starting point. I hope other scholars of Taoism will respond by sending me their comments and criticisms in order to launch a second edition. I am certain that more entries could be introduced, and that new bibliographic data can be added. I also wish that nonspecialists will give me some feedback: which items they would like to see discussed in greater detail, etc. Indeed, this volume is written especially for nonspecialist, educated readers to use as a reference work. I realize that some entries should be expanded, especially those that discuss aspects of Taoism that are relevant to Westerners today. With the readers’ support and suggestions, the second edition should come closer to the ideal reference work. In the presentation of the entries, I have tried as much as possible to provide names and titles in English, rather than in Chinese. This will help to make this volume less esoteric: An overdose of Chinese terminology would easily overwhelm a nonspecialist reader. Of course, there are exceptions: Particular terms cannot easily be rendered in English and are very often left untranslated. To this group belong such terms as Tao, Te, Ch’i, Yin-Yang, etc. Romanizing these terms leaves their rich meaning intact, as long as they are explained sufficiently. I was fortunate to have the advice and support of quite a few wonderful people. First of all, my longtime colleague Man Kam Leung (history department, University of Saskatchewan) deserves credit for drafting about two dozen entries (mostly historical) and advising me about many other aspects of this book. I also wish to acknowledge the expert advice and support of Norman Girardot, Russell Kirkland, Ma Xiaohong and Chu Ron Guey. Among the nonspecialist lay people (my friends), I’d like to acknowledge the input of Brian Dalsin, Bill Garner, Tonya Kay, Lance Blanchard, and Adele Boychuk. I am very grateful for my wife Yü-lin’s assistance, my son Ed’s graphic expertise, and Pauline de Jong’s and Audrey Swan’s superb word-processing skills, together with their never-failing assistance. The photographs were taken by David Mandeville, whose skill and expertise I greatly admire. I further wish to acknowledge the assistance, advice, and patience of this volume’s editor, Jon Woronoff. Finally, this volume is dedicated to many generations of students of Taoism at the University of Saskatchewan. Although I was their teacher, officially, I wonder who received the greatest benefit. Thank you! Thanks are finally due to the University of Saskatchewan research unit, which gave me a generous grant to prepare the manuscript. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 14 | A-Z Abbreviations | Abbreviations BCE and CE are the abbreviations most often used in this volume and deserve a special note. BCE stands for “before the common era,” CE means “of the common era.” “Common” means accepted by all, including non-Christians. The traditional abbreviations BC (“before Christ”) and AD (“anno Domini” or “in the year of the Lord”) are too denominational; moreover, in countries such as China, they are meaningless. Abbreviations used in the introduction and dictionary
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| 15 | A-Z Appendix Centers of Taoist Study and Practice Today | Centers of Taoist Study and Practice Today The following information is very incomplete: It can be used for what it is worth (it is hoped that readers worldwide will be motivated to send us more information, to be included in a second edition of the Dictionary). The study of Taoism has become a worldwide movement. Its land of origin, China, is paying increasing attention to it, both as a religious way of life and as a subject of scholarly study. China As a religious organization, there is in the PRC a national body, called Taoist Association of China (TAC), originally founded in 1957, but revived in 1979 (after the “Ten Years of Chaos”). Its goal is to strengthen the Taoist heritage in the homeland through publications, including a quarterly journal (Chung-kao Tao-chiao/Zhongguo Daojiao) and by organizing training sessions for young candidates. Many provinces have branch organizations. Study centers focusing on Taoism are established in many Chinese cities. The more important ones are in: • Beijing, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Institute for the Study of World Religions, which has a separate unit for research on Taoism. • Shanghai, Academy of Social Sciences, with a special unit researching Taoism. They publish a quarterly journal, Shanghai Tao-chiao. One of the most active scholars there is Ch’en Yao-t’ing/Chen Yaoting. • Szechuan province has strong centers for Taoist studies in Chengtu, both at the Szechuan University, Department of Religious Studies, and at the Academy of Social Sciences. Several internationally known scholars are active there: Ch’ing Hsi-t’ai/Qing Xitai; Li Shu-yuan/Li Shuyuan. A recent assessment of the state of Taoism in the PRC is found in the journal China Heute (China Today), published in Germany. See vol. 14 (1995), 108–110: “Daoismus oder die Lehre des Laozi.” (See also Introduction: Taoism in Modern Times.) Taiwan The ritual practice of Taoism in Taiwan is foremost in the hands of the Taoist clergy (see entry Popular Religion and Taoism). Yet there also is an independent religious organization, calling itself Chung-hua Tao-chiao hui (Taoist Association of China/Taiwan). It has local chapters in all major cities. The study of Taoism is encouraged by several bodies: the International Lao-Chuang Society, the Yi-ching Society, and, more recently, by a new organization strongly influenced by Taoism, the Ling-chi hsiehhui (Association of “Mediums”). (See JCR, 24, 1996.) Several well-known scholars are members of the Academia Sinica in Taipei. One of their ongoing projects is investigating the relationship between Taoism and the Popular religion. There are also plans for the founding of a Taoist university in Taiwan in the near future. North America and Europe The study of Taoism is being actively promoted in various academic institutions. In Europe, Paris has a long history of sinology with special focus on Taoism. In most of the larger universities of the United States and Canada, there are programs in Asian Studies or Religious Studies, with an emphasis on Taoism. Journals publishing in the area of Taoism are Journal of Chinese Religions, Taoist Resources, and Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie (Kyoto). For more detailed information, especially concerning bibliographies on Taoism, see Bibliography in this volume. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 16 | A-Z Appendix About the Author | Appendix About the Author JULIAN F. PAS (S.T.D. and S.T.L., University of Louvain, Belgium; Ph.D., McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada), was professor emeritus of religious studies at the University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Canada. His prior books include The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today (1989); Taoist Meditation, translated with Norman Girardot from the French Méditation Taoïst by Isabelle Robinet (1993); Visions of Sukhãvatī: Shan-tao’s Commentary on the Kuan wu-liang-shou-Fo ching (1995); and A Select Bibliography on Taoism (1988), a second enlarged edition of which came out in 1997. He published several dozen professional articles and book chapters on Chinese Buddhism, Taoism, and the Popular religion of China in such journals as History of Religions, Monumenta Serica, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong Branch), Journal of Chinese Religions, Field Materials, Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica. He was the editor of Journal of Chinese Religions (vols. 15–20, 1987–90), and was also the vice president of the Society for the Study of Chinese Religions. Julian Pas passed away on June 12, 2000. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 17 | A-Z Appendix Bibliography | Appendix Bibliography During the last decennia, the study of Taoism in all its aspects has resulted in a remarkable increase in publications, both in Western languages and in Chinese and Japanese. The availability of the Taoist Canon was one of the major factors stimulating scholarly research. The study of the philosophical texts, especially the Tao-te Ching and the Chuang-tzu, had been going on long before the interest in the Taoist religion and Taoist liturgy developed in the West. Today, it is hard to catch up with the continuous flow of new publications. Chinese and Japanese scholars flood the academic “market” with important reference works and scholarly treatises. Those who are able to handle Chinese sources, will find a recent listing of Chinese publications on Taoism in Great Encyclopedia of Chinese Taoism (Zhonghua Daojiao da cidian), edited by Hu Xuechen and published in Beijing, 1995. The publication list is found on pages 1771–1807. It covers the years 1900–1993. Other recent reference works are listed at the end of Abbreviations. Besides dictionaries and encyclopedias, it is important to mention Tao-tsang t’i-yao (Essentials of the Taoist Canon), which discusses all the texts contained in the Ming edition of the Tao-tsang: their date of origin, authorship, and a summary of their contents. For those who know how to read Chinese, it is a good reference work. Those who do not read Chinese will have to wait a little longer, until the Tao-tsang Project (Projet Tao-tsang), started in Paris in 1979, is published. This grand project is being coordinated by K. Schipper in cooperation with some 30 European scholars. It will provide a comprehensive catalogue of all the texts contained in the Taoist Canon. In the meantime, a very useful reference work is available: Judith Boltz, A Survey of Taoist Literature, Tenth to Seventeenth Centuries. (See category Taoist Literature, general works.) Bibliographies on Taoism in Western languages also have been produced (see Bibliography below, first section Bibliographies). The long review article by Anna Seidel (CEA, 1990) is especially recommended. The Thompson volume (1993) is also very useful for the study of Taoism, although it covers all other aspects of Chinese religion. The Walf volume (1992) is useful for the study of Taoism, but overshoots its target: It includes too many titles on the Popular religion of China. My own Select Bibliography on Taoism, first published in 1988, has been revised and augmented, and was published in 1997. The bibliography that follows only lists books and articles in Western languages, mainly in English, but occasionally in French and German. A division into categories seems to be the most appropriate way to make such a bibliography practical, although in some cases a clearcut assignment of a book or article to a particular category is difficult. Readers may wish to consult related categories in some cases. The selection proposed here is not complete, but is representative. The more important publications have been included, and works of special interest to nonspecialists have been marked by an asterisk (*). The categories listed below are fairly adequate, but some overlap is unavoidable, especially within categories 7, 8, and 9. Category 11 lists works that are quoted in the Dictionary, but are not strictly or uniquely Taoist: They refer either to Chinese history or to other religious traditions in China beside Taoism. This is to show that Taoism as a uniquely Chinese phenomenon cannot be isolated. It must be studied within the context of Chinese cultural and religious history. Its relationships with Chinese Buddhism, Confucianism, and the Popular religious tradition must always be considered in order to have an integrated understanding of the Taoist tradition. Contents 1. General Works on Taoism 2. Taoist Philosophy 3. History of Taoism 4. Taoist Literature 5. Taoist Religious Life: Private Dimensions 6. Taoist Religious Life: Public Dimensions 7. Taoism and Society 8. Taoism and Chinese Culture 9. Taoism and Other Traditions 10. Study of Taoism 11. Supplementary References | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 18 | A-Z AppendixBibliography General Works on Taoism | General Works on Taoism 1.1 Bibliographies AU, Donna and Sharon Rowe. “Bibliography of Taoist Studies,” BTS-I, (1977), 128–148. COHEN, Alvin P. “Western Language Publications on Chinese Religions, 1981–1987,” TT: RCT (1989), 313–345. PAS, Julian. A Select Bibliography of Taoism. Saskatoon: China Pavilion, 1997. (Enlarged edition). *SEIDEL, Anna. “Chronicle of Taoist Studies in the West 1950–1990,” CEA, 5 (1990), 223–347. *THOMPSON, Laurence G. Chinese Religions: Publications in Western Languages 1981 through 1990. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Association of Asian Studies, 1993. THOMPSON, Laurence G. compiler. Chinese Religion in Western Languages. A Comprehensive and Classified Bibliography of Publications in English, French and German Through 1980. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press, 1985. (Published for the Association for Asian Studies) WALF, Knut. Westliche Taoismus-Bibliographie (WTB) Western Bibliography of Taoism. Essen: Verlag Die Blaue Eule, 1992. (First published in 1986). YU, David C. “Present-day Taoist Studies,” RSR, 3 (1977), 220–239. 1.2 Collections of Articles CHAPPELL, David W., ed., Buddhist and Taoist Studies 2 (BTS-2): Buddhist and Taoist Practice in Medieval Chinese Society. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1987. History of Religions, 9 (1969–1970), “Symposium on Taoism.” History of Religions, 17 (1978), “Current Perspectives in the Study of Chinese Religions.” LEBLANC, Charles & Rémi Mathieu. Mythe et philosophie à l’aube de la Chine impériale. Etudes sur le Huainan zi. Montréal: Presses Universitaires de l’Université de Montréal, 1992. MAIR, Victor H., ed., Experimental Essays on Chuang-tzu. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. (Asian Studies at Hawaii, No. 29). MAIR, Victor H., ed., Chuang-tzu: Composition and Interpretation. Symposium Issue of JCR, 11 (1983). MASPERO, Henri. Taoism and Chinese Religion. Frank A. Kierman, Jr. trans. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981. (French ed.: 1967). SASO, Michael and David W. Chappell, eds., Buddhist and Taoist Studies 1 (BTS-1). Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1977. SHINOHARA, Koichi & Gregory Schopen, eds., From Benares to Beijing. Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion. Oakville, ON: Mosaic Press, 1991. STRICKMANN, Michel, ed., Tantric and Taoist Studies in Honour of R.A. Stein (TTS). Vols. 2–3. Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1983. (Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques, vols. 21–22). *WELCH, Holmes and Anna Seidel, eds., Facets of Taoism (FT). New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1979. WERNER, E.T.C. A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology. New York: Julian Press, 1961. (First published in 1932). WOLF, Arthur P. (ed.). Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society. (RRCS) Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974. 1.3 Short Introductions to Taoism in General *CREEL, H.G. “What is Taoism?”, JAOS, 72 (1956), 139–152. EICHHORN, Werner. “Taoism,” R.C. Zaehner, ed., Concise Encyclopaedia of Living Faiths. (New York: Hawthorne Books, 1959), 384–401. RAGUIN, Yves. Leçons sur le Taoïsme. Taipei: Publications de l’association française pour le développement culturel et scientifique en Asie, 1981 & 1985. ROBINET, Isabelle. “La Pratique du Tao.” In Mythes et croyances du monde entier, vol. 4. (Paris: Lidis, 1986), 381–398. SCHIPPER, Kristofer. “Taoïsme,” Encyclopaedia Universalis. (Paris: Encyclopaedia Universalis France, Editeur à Paris, 1973), vol. 15, 738–744. *SCHWARTZ, Benjamin I. “Ways of Taoism,” The World of Thought in Ancient China. (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1985), 185–254. SEIDEL, Anna and Michel Strickmann. “Taoism,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 28 (1988), 394–407. SEIDEL, Anna. “Taoïsme—Religion non-officielle de la China,” CEA 8 (1995), 1–39. Farzeen Baldrian-Hussein (translator from the German). SMITH, Huston. The Illustrated World’s Religions. A Guide to our Wisdom Traditions. San Francisco: Harper, 1994 (first published 1958). (Chapter 5: “Taoism”: 122–143). THOMPSON, Laurence. “What is Taoism? (With Apologies to H.G. Creel),” TR, 4.2 (1993), 9–22. 1.4 Monographs on Taoism BLOFELD, John. The Secret and Sublime. Taoist Mysteries and Magic. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1973. BLOFELD, John. Taoism: The Road to Immortality. Boulder: Shambhala, 1978. COOPER, J.C. Taoism: The Way of the Mystic. Wellingborough: Aquarian Press, 1972. *GIRARDOT, Norman J. Myth and Meaning in Early Taoism: The Theme of Chaos (Hun-tun). Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. HARTZ, Paula. Taoism. Oxford: Facts on File, 1993. *KALTENMARK, Max. Lao Tzu and Taoism. Roger Greaves. trans. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969. LAGERWEY, John. Taoist Ritual in Chinese Society and History. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co.; London: Collier Macmillan Publishers, 1987. *MASPERO, Henri. Taoism and Chinese Religion. Frank A. Kierman, Jr., trans. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1981. *NEEDHAM, Joseph. “The Tao Chia (Taoists) and Taoism,” Science and Civilization in China 2. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956), 33–164. NI, Hua-ching. The Taoist Inner View of the Universe and the Immortal Realm. Malibu, California: Shrine of the Eternal Breath of Tao, 1979. *SCHIPPER, Kristofer. The Taoist Body. Karen C. Duval, trans. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994. *WELCH, Holmes. Taoism. The Parting of the Way. Lao Tzu and the Taoist Movement. Boston: Beacon Press, 1957. 1.5 Articles on Taoism *SIVIN, Nathan. “On the Word Taoist as a Source of Perplexity. With Special Reference to the Relations of Science and Religion in Traditional China,” HR, 17 (1978), 303–330. WELCH, Holmes. “Bellagio Conference on Taoist Studies,” HR, 9 (1969–1970), 107–136. 1.6 Popular Works DENG, Ming-dao. Chronicles of Tao. The Secret Life of a Taoist Master. San Francisco: Harper, 1993. HOFF, Benjamin. The Tao of Pooh. New York: Penguin Books, 1983. HOFF, Benjamin. The Te of Piglet. New York: Penguin Books (Dutton), 1992. PAYNE, David. Confessions of a Taoist on Wall Street. New York: Ballantine Books, 1984. SMULLYAN, Raymond M. The Tao Is Silent. San Francisco: Harper, 1977. WONG, Eva, trans., Seven Taoist Masters: A Folk Novel of China. Boston: Shambhala Press, 1990. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 19 | A-Z AppendixBibliography Taoist Philosophy | Taoist Philosophy 2.1 General Works CHANG, Chung-yuan. “The Concept of Tao in Chinese Culture,” RR, 17 (1952–1953), 115–132. CHANG, Chung-yuan. “Tao: A New Way of Thinking,” JCP, 1 (1974), 137–152. CHEN, Ellen Marie. “Nothingness and the Mother Principle in Early Chinese Taoism,” IPQ, 9 (1969), 391–405. HANSEN, Chad. A Daoist Theory of Chinese Thought: A Philosophical Interpretation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. IZUTSU, Toshihiko. Sufism and Taoism: A Comparative Study of Key Philosophical Concepts. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. JANG, Paul Y.M. “The Ineffability of Tao in Chinese Thought,” JOSA, 12 (1977), 5–15. KASULIS, T.P. “The Absolute and the Relative in Taoist Philosophy,” JCP, 4 (1977), 383–394. NEEDHAM, Joseph. “Tao: Illuminations and Corrections of the Way,” Theology, 81 (1978), 244–252. PEERENBOOM, R.P. “Cosmogony, the Taoist Way,” JCP, 17 (1990), 157–174. RAWSON, Philip and Laszlo Legeza. Tao, The Chinese Philosophy of Time and Change. London: Thames & Hudson, 1973. THIEL, Joseph. “Der Begriff der Tao im Tao-te-ching,” Sinologie, 12 (1971), 30–108. WATTS, Alan and Al Chung-Liang Huang. Tao: The Watercourse Way. New York: Pantheon Books, 1975. WU, Yao-yü. The Literati Tradition in Chinese Thought. Laurence Thompson. trans. Gary Seaman, ed., San Chiao Li Ts’e, part 2. Los Angeles: Centre for Visual Anthropology, USC, Ethnographics Press, 1995. WU, Yao-yü. The Taoist Tradition of Chinese Thought. Laurence Thompson trans., Gary Seaman, ed., San Chiao Li Ts’e, part 1. Los Angeles: Centre for Visual Anthropology, USC, Ethnographics Press, 1991. 2.2 Antecedents: The Yi Ching and Yin-Yang Philosophy BLOFELD, John. The Book of Change. A New Translation of the Ancient Chinese I Ching. London: Allen & Unwin, 1965. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1968. COOPER, J.C. Yin and Yang. The Taoist Harmony of Opposites. Wellingborough: Aquarian Press, 1981. FORKE, Alfred. The World-Conception of the Chinese: Their Astronomical, Cosmological and Physico-Philosophical Speculations. London: Probsthain, 1925. GRAHAM, A.C. Yin-yang and the Nature of Correlative Thinking. Singapore: Institute of East Asian Philosophies, 1986. PAS, Julian F. “Yin-yang Polarity: A Binocular Vision of the World,” Asian Thought & Society (Oneonta), 8 (1983), 188–201. RUBIN, Vitaly A. “The Concepts of Wu-Hsing and Yin-Yang,” JCP, 9 (1982), 131–158. WALEY, Arthur. “The Book of Changes,” BMFEA, 5 (1933), 121–142. WILHELM, Hellmut. Change: Eight Lectures on the I Ching. Cary F. Baynes. trans. New York: Pantheon Books, 1960 (Bollingen Series, no. 62). New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1964. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973. (Original German edition: Peking, 1944.) WILHELM, Hellmut. The Book of Changes in the Western Tradition, A Selective Bibliography. Seattle: University of Washington, Institute for Comparative and Foreign Area Studies, 1975. WILHELM, Hellmut. Heaven, Earth and Man in the Book of Changes. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1977. *WILHELM, Richard, trans., The I Ching or Book of Changes. Cary F. Baynes (trans. from German). New York: Pantheon Books, 1950 (Bollingen Series, no. 19): 2 vols. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961 (2 vols. in 1). 2.3 The Tao Te Ching (Lao-tzu) 2.3.1 English Translations ADDISS, Stephen & Stanley Lombardo, trans., Lao-Tzu Tao Te Ching. (Ink paintings by Stephen Addiss). Indianapolis & Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Co., 1993. BYNNER, Witter. The Way of Life According to Laotzu. (Capricorn Books). New York: The John Day Co., 1944 & 1962. *CHAN, Wing-tsit. The Way of Lao Tzu, a Translation and Study of the Tao-te Ching. (The Library of Liberal Arts, no. 139). Indianapolis, New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963. *CHEN, Ellen M. The Tao Te Ching. A New Translation with Commentary. (A New Era Book). New York: Paragon House, 1989. CH’EN, Ku-ying. Lao Tzu: Texts, Notes and Comments. Yang Yu-wei and Roger Ames. trans. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1977. CH’U, Ta-kao. Tao Te Ching. A New Translation. London: The Buddhist Lodge, 1937. DREHER, Diane. The Tao of Inner Peace. New York: Harper, 1990. *DUYVENDAK, J.J.L. Tao-te Ching: The Book of the Way and its Virtue. Translated from the Chinese and Annotated. London: J. Murray, 1954. ERKES, Eduard. Ho-shang-kung’s Commentary on Lao-Tse. Ascona: Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1958. FENG, Gia-fu and Jane English. Lao Tsu Tao Te Ching. New York: Vintage Books, 1972. GRIGG, Ray. The Tao of Being. Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching Adapted for a New Age. Atlanta: Humanics New Age, 1989. *HENRICKS, Robert G. Lao-tzu Te-Tao Ching: A New Translation Based on the Recently Discovered Ma-wang-tui Texts. New York: Ballantine, 1989. HOFF, Benjamin. The Way of Life. At the Heart of the Tao Te Ching. New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1981. *LAFARGUE, Michael. The Tao of the Tao Te Ching. A Translation and Commentary. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. *LAU, D.C. Lao Tzu Tao Te Ching. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1963. *LAU, D.C. Tao Te Ching. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1982. LIN, Paul J. A Translation of Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching and Wang Pi’s Commentary. Ann Arbor, MI: Monographs in Chinese Studies, no. 30, University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 1977 & 1983. LIN, Yutang. The Wisdom of Laotse, with Introduction and Notes. London: M. Joseph, 1958. *MAIR, Victor. Tao Te Ching. Lao Tzu. The Classic Book of Integrity and the Way. New York: Bantam Books, 1990. MILES, Thomas H., trans., Tao Te Ching. About the Way of Nature and its Powers. Garden City Park, NY: Avery Publishing Group, 1992. REN, Jiyu. The Book of Laozi. He Guanghu e.a. trans. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1993. WALEY Arthur. The Way and its Power: A Study of the Tao Te Ching and its Place in Chinese Thought. London: G. Allen and Unwin, 1934, 1942, 1949. WU, John C.W. Lao Tzu Tao Teh Ching. Chinese text with English translation by John C.H. Wu. Paul K. Shih, ed., New York: St. John’s University Press, 1961. (Asian Institute Translations, no.1) 2.3.2 French Translations DUYVENDAK, J.J.L. Tao-te King, le livre de la voie et de la vertu. Paris: Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient, Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1953. ETIEMBLE, René. Tao tö King. Paris: Gallimard, 1967. JULIEN, Stanislas. Lao Tseu Tao Te King. Le livre de la voie et de la vertu. Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1842. JULIEN, Stanislas. Lao Tseu, Tao Te King. Le livre de la voie et de la vertu, traduit en Français et avec le texte chinois et un commentaire perpétuel. Paris: Cercle du Livre Précieux, 1967. LARRE, Claude. Tao Te King. Le livre de la voie et de la vertu. Paris: Desclée De Brouwer, 1977. LIOU, Kia-hway. Tao tö King: Traduit du Chinois. Paris: Gallimard, 1967. 2.3.3 German Translations COLD, Eberhard. Laotse, Tao Te Ching. Das Buch des Alten Meisters vom Tao und der Demut. Königsten: Sophia, 1982. JERVEN, Walter. Das Buch vom Weltgesetz und seinem Wirken. München-Bern: O.W. Barth, 1986. KOPP, Wolfgang. Das heilige Buch vom Tao und der wahren Tugend. Interlaken: Ansata, 1988. OPITZ, P.J. Lao-tzu. Die Ordnungs-Spekulationen im Tao-te-Ching. München, 1968. ULENBROOK, Jan. Lau Dse, Dau Dö Djing. Bremen: Carl Schünemann, 1962. WEIGLAND, Jörg. Lao-Tse, Weisheiten. München: Heyne, 1982. WILHELM, Richard. Lao-tse Taote king. Das Buch des Alten vom Sinn und Leben. Jena: Diederichs, 1937 und 1941. Düsseldorf und Köln, 1957. Bern und Stuttgart: Huber, 1958. WÜPPER, Edgar. Laotse—der alte Mann und die Sprüche. Kiel: Chiva, 1985. 2.3.4 Other DEBROCK, Guy and Paul B. Scheurer Tao: De Weg van de Natuur. Nijmegen: Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen, 1986. 2.3.5 Studies About Lao Tzu and/or Tao Te Ching BOLTZ, Judith M. “Lao-tzu,” ER, 8 (1987), 454–459. CHEN, Ellen Marie. “The Meaning of Te in the Tao Te Ching: An Examination of the Concept of Nature in Chinese Taoism,” PEW, 23 (1973), 457–470. HOMANN, R. “Die Laozi-Diskussion in der Volksrepublik China nach den Funden von Ma-Wang-dui,” AS. Etudes Asiatiques (Schweizerische Gesellschaft für Asienkunde) 30 (1976), 79–113. JAN, Yün-hua. “Problems of Tao and Tao Te Ching,” Numen, 22 (1975), 203–234. JAN, Yün-hua. “The Silk Manuscripts on Taoism,” TP, 63 (1977), 65–84. *LAFARGUE, Michael. Tao and Method: A Reasoned Approach to the Tao Te Ching. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1994. PONTYNEN, Arthur. “The Deification of Laozi in Chinese History and Art,” OA, 26 (1980), 192–200. ROBINET, Isabelle. Les commentaires du Tao To King jusqu’au VII siècle. Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 1977. (Mémoires de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, vol. 5) TU, Wei-ming. “The Thought of Huang Lao: A Reflection in the Lao Tzu and Huang Ti’s Texts in the Silk Manuscripts of Ma-wang-tui,” JAS, 39 (1979), 95–110. 2.4 The Chuang-tzu 2.4.1 Translations FENG, Gia-fu and Jane English. Chuang Tseu: Inner Chapters. New York: Vintage Books, 1974. FUNG, Yu-lan. Chuang-Tzu. A New Selected Translation with an Exposition of the Philosophy of Kuo Hsiang. New York: Paragon Book Reprint, 1964. (First published in Shanghai, 1933) GILES, Herbert A., trans., Chuang Tzu, Mystic, Moralist and Social Reformer. Shanghai and London: Bernard Quaritch, 1926; reprint, Taipei: Ch’eng Wen Publishing Co., 1969. *GRAHAM, A.C. “Chuang-Tzu’s Essay on Seeing Things as Equal,” HR, 9 (1969–1970), 137–159. *GRAHAM, A.C. Chuang-Tzu: The Seven Inner Chapters. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1981. LEGGE, James. The Texts of Taoism. Part 2: The Writings of Chuang Tzu (Books 18–33). The T’ai Shang Tractate of Actions and their Retributions (Sacred Books of China 40). New York: Dover Publications, 1962 (first published by Oxford University Press, 1891) LIOU, Kai-hway. L’Oeuvre complète de Tschouang-tseu: Traduction, Préface et Notes. Paris: Gallimard, 1969. MAIR, Victor, trans., Wandering on the Way: Early Taoist Tales and Parables of Chuang Tzu. New York: Bantam Books, 1994. WALEY, Arthur. Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China. London: Allen & Unwin, 1939; reprint, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956. (“Chuang Tzu,” 2–79) *WATSON, Burton, trans., The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970. 2.4.2 Studies CHANG, Chung-yüan. “The Philosophy of Taoism According to Chuang Tzu,” PEW, 27 (1977), 409–422. GRAHAM, A.C. “How much of ‘Chuang Tzu’ did Chuang-tzu write?,” H. Rosemont and B. Schwartz (eds.), Studies in Classical Chinese Thought, Thematic Issue of JAAR, 47 (1979), 459–502. KOHN, Livia. “Kuo Hsiang and the Chuang Tzu,” JCP, 12 (1985), 429–447. MAIR, Victor H. “Chuang-tzu and Erasmus: Kindred Wits,” V.H. Mair (ed.), Experimental Essays on Chuang-tzu, 85–100. [see 1.2] MAIR, Victor H. “Wandering in and Through the Chuang-tzu,” V.H. Mair (ed.), Chuang-tzu: Composition and Interpretation, JCR, 11 (1983), 106–117. MAJOR, John S. “The Efficacity of Uselessness: A Chuang-tzu Motif,” PEW, 25 (1975), 265–279. RAJNEESH, Bhagwan Shree. The Empty Boat. Talks on the Stories of Chuang Tzu, compiled by Ma Krishna Priya. Poona, India: Rajneesh Foundation, 1976. ROBINET, Isabelle. “Chuang-tzu et le taoïsme ‘religieux’,” V.H. Mair (ed.), Chuang-Tzu: Composition and Interpretation, JCR, 11 (1983), 59–105. ROTH, Harold. “Who Compiled the Chuang-tzu?,” CTPC, 79–128. THIEL, J. “Das Erkenntnisproblem bei Chuang-tzu,” Sinologica, 11 (1970), 1–89. WATSON, Burton. “Chuang-tzu,” ER, 3 (1987), 467–469. 2.5 Huang-Lao Taoism JAN, Yün-hua. “Human Nature and its Cosmic Roots in Huang-Lao Taoism,” JCP, 17 (1990), 215–233. TU, Wei-ming. “The ‘Thought of Huang-Lao’: A Reflection on the Lao Tzu and Huang Ti Texts in the Silk Manuscripts of Ma-wang-tui,” JAS, 39 (1979), 95–110. 2.6 Huai-Nan Tzu 2.6.1 Translations AMES, Roger T. The Art of Rulership. A Study in Ancient Chinese Political Thought. Huai Nan Tzu, Book Nine: “The Art of Rulership” (translation, 165–209). KRAFT, Eva. “Zum Huai-nan-tzu, Einführung. Ubersetzung (Kapitel 1 und 2), und Interpretation,” MS, 16 (1957), 191–286; 17 (1958), 128–207. LARRE, Claude. Le traité VII du Houai Nan Tseu. Les esprits légers et subtils animateurs de l’essence. (Variétés Sinologiques, No. 67) Taipei: Ricci Institute, 1982. LARRE, Claude, Isabelle Robinet and Elisabeth Rochat de la Vallée, trans., Les grands traités du Huainan zi. Paris: Institut Ricci & les Editions du Cerf, 1993 (Variétes Sinologiques, no. 75). *LEBLANC, Charles. Huai Nan Tzu, Philosophical Synthesis in Early Han Thought. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985. *MAJOR, John. Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought: Chapters Three, Four and Five of the Huainanzi. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1993. MORGAN, Evan. Tao, The Great Luminant; Essays from Huai-nan-tze. London: Kegan Paul, 1933. WALLACKER, Benjamin E. The Huai-nan-tzu, Book Eleven: Behavior, Culture and the Cosmos. New Haven: American Oriental Society (Monograph Series, 48), 1962. 2.6.2 Studies *AMES, Roger T. The Art of Rulership. A Study in Ancient Chinese Political Thought. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983. LARRE, Claude. Le traité VII du Houai Nan Tseu. Les esprits légers et subtils animateurs de l’essence. (Variétés Sinologiques, No. 67) Taipei: Ricci Institute, 1982. LEBLANC, Charles. Huai Nan Tzu, Philosophical Synthesis in Early Han Thought. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1985. LEBLANC, Charles & Rémi Matthieu, eds., Mythe et philosophie à l’aube de la Chine impériale: Etudes sur le Huainanzi. Montréal & Paris: Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1992. ROTH, Harold D. “The Concept of Human Nature in the Huai-Nan Tzu,” JCP, 12 (1985), 1–22. ROTH, Harold D. The Textual History of the Huai-nan Tzu. Ann Arbor, Michigan (AAS Monograph Series 46), 1992. WALLACKER, Benjamin E. The Huai-nan-tzu, Book Eleven: Behavior, Culture and the Cosmos. New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1962. (American Oriental Series, vol. 48) 2.7 Lieh Tzu FORKE, Anton. “Yang Chu, the Epicurean in his Relation to Lie-tse, the Pantheist,” Journal of the Peking Oriental Society, 3 (1893), 203–258. (Also published separately as: A. Forke, Yang Chu’s Garden of Pleasure. London: John Murray, 1912) GILES, Lionel. Taoist Teaching from the Book of Lieh Tzu. Translated from the Chinese, with Introduction and Notes. Second edition. London: J. Murray, 1959. *GRAHAM, A.C. The Book of Lieh-tzu. New York: Grove Press, 1960. GRYNPAS, Benedykt. Le Vrai Classique du Vide Parfait par Lie-tseu. Paris: Gallimard, 1961. (Connaissance de l’Orient) 2.8 Other Ancient Texts KANDEL, Barbara. Wen Tzu: Ein Betrag zur Problematik und zum Verständniss eines taoistischen Textes. Bern: 1974. KOHN, Livia. Taoist Mystical Philosophy: The Scripture of Western Ascension. Albany: SUNY Press, 1991. REITER, Florian C. Der Perlenbeutel aus den drei Hölen. Arbeitsmaterialen zum Taoismus der Frühen T’ang-Zeit. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1990. RICKETT, W. Allyn. Guanzi: Political, Economic and Philosophical Essays from Early China. Vol. 1. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985. YANG, Hsiung. Tai hsuan ching. The Elemental Changes: the Ancient Chinese Companion to the I ching. Text and Commentaries. Michael Nylan (trans.). Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1994. 2.9 Hsüan-hsüeh and “Neo-Taoism” BERGERON, Marie-Ina. Wang Pi, Philosophe du “non-avoir.” (Variétés Sinologiques, no. 69) Taipei: Ricci Institute, 1986. CHAN, Alan Kam-Leung. Two Visions of the Way: A Study of the Wang Pi and the Ho-shang Kung Commentaries on the Lao-tzu. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991. CH’EN, Kenneth. “Neo-Taoism and the Prajña School during the Wei and Chin Dynasties,” CC, 1 (1957), 33–46. HOLZMAN, Donald. La vie et la pensée de Hi K’ang (223–262 Ap. J.C.). Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1957. HOLZMAN, Donald. Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works of Juan Chi, A.D. 210–263. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976. KNAUL, Livia. “The Winged Life: Kuo Hsiang’s Mystical Philosophy,” JCS, 2 (1985), 17–41. SAILEY, Jay. The Master Who Embraces Simplicity: A Study of the Philosopher Ko Hung, A.D. 283–343. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1978. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 20 | A-Z AppendixBibliography The History of Taoism | The History of Taoism 3.1 General Works KALTENMARK, Max. “Ling-pao: note sur un terme du taoïsme religieux,” Mélanges publiés par l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 2 (1960), 559–588. *ROBINET, Isabelle. Histoire du taoïsme des origines au XIVième siècle. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1991. ROBINET, Isabelle. Taoism: Growth of a Religion. Trans. Phyllis Brooks. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1997. SEIDEL, Anna. “Imperial Treasures and Taoist Sacraments,” TTS-2, 291–371. STEIN, R.A. “Religous Taoism and Popular Religion from the Second to Seventh Centuries,” FT, (1979), 53–82. [see 1.2] 3.2 Antecedents: Roots of Taoism ALLAN, Sarah. The Shape of the Turtle: Myth, Art and Cosmos in Early China. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991. DEWOSKIN, Kenneth, trans., Doctors, Diviners and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fang-shih. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983. DEWOSKIN, Kenneth. “A Source Guide to the Lives and Techniques of Han and Six Dynasties Fang-shih” SSCRB 9 (1981), 79–105. PEERENBOOM, R.P. “Naturalism and Immortality in the Han: the Antecedents of Religious Taoism,” CC, 29 (1988), 31–53. 3.3 Huang-Lao Taoism, the T’ai-p’ing ching and Han Thought BALAZS, Etienne. “La crise sociale et la philosophie politique à la fin des Han,” TP, 39 (1949–1950), 83–131. EICHHORN, Werner. “T’ai-p’ing und T’ai-p’ing Religion,” Mitteilungen der Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 5 (1957), 113–140. JAN, Yün-Hua. “The Change of Images: The Yellow Emperor in Ancient Chinese Literature,” JOS, 19 (1981), 117–137. *KALTENMARK, Max. “The Ideology of the T’ai-p’ing ching,” FT, (1979), 19–52. LEVY, Howard S. “Yellow Turban Religion and Rebellion at the End of Han,” JAOS, 76 (1956), 214–227. PEERENBOOM, R.P. Law and Morality in Ancient China: The Silk Manuscripts of Huang-Lao. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1993. *SEIDEL, Anna. “The Image of the Perfect Ruler in Early Taoist Messianism: Lao-Tzu and Li Hung,” HR, 9 (1969–1970), 216–247. SEIDEL, Anna. La divinisation de Lao Tseu dans le taoïsme des Han. Paris: Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient, 1969. STEIN, Rolf A. “Remarques sur les mouvements du taoïsme politico-religieux au 2ème siècle ap. J.C.,” TP, 50 (1963), 1–78. TU, Wei-ming. “The Thought of Huang Lao: A Reflection in the Lao Tzu and Huang Ti’s Texts in the Silk Manuscripts of Ma-wang-tui,” JAS, 39 (1979), 95–110. 3.4 Early Taoist Movements and the “Heavenly Master” Tradition GROOT, J.J.M. de. “On the Origin of the Taoist Church,” Transactions of the 3rd International Congress for the History of Religions. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908), 138–149. KOBAYASHI, Masayoshi. “The Celestial Masters Under the Eastern Jin and Liu-Song Dynasties,” TR, 3.2 (1992), 17–46. LEVY, Howard S. “Yellow Turban Religion and Rebellion at the End of the Han,” JAOS, 76 (1956), 214–227. *MATHER, Richard. “K’ou Ch’ien-chih and the Taoist Theocracy at the Northern Wei Court,” FT, (1979), 103–122. [see 1.2] MICHAUD, Paul. “The Yellow Turbans,” MS, 17 (1958), 47–127. TSUKAMOTO, Z. A History of Early Chinese Buddhism from its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan (2 vols.). L. Hurvitz. trans. Tokyo: Kodansha International Ltd., 1985 (Japanese edition: 1979). (In Chapter 3, part C is titled: “Buddhism and the Rise of Dark Learning Under the Wei”: 123–133). 3.5 Six Dynasties Taoism HENRICKS, Robert G. Philosophy and Argumentation in Third-Century China: The Essays of Hsi K’ang. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. HOLZMAN, Donald. “Les sept sages de la forêt des bambous et la société de leur temps,” TP, 44 (1956), 317–346. SAILEY, Jay. The Master Who Embraces Simplicity: A Study of the Philosopher Ko Hung, 283–343. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1978. 3.6 The Shang-ch’ing Tradition ROBINET, Isabelle. La révélation du Shangqing dans l’histoire du taoïsme. Paris: Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient: Dépositaire, Adrien Maisonneuve, 1984. STRICKMANN, Michel. Le Taoïsme du Mao Chan, Chronique d’une Révélation. Paris: Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, Collège de France, 1981. (Mémoires de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, vol. 17) STRICKMANN, Michel. “The Mao Shan Revelations: Taoism and the Aristocracy,” TP, 63 (1977), 1–64. 3.7 T’ang Taoism BARRETT, Timothy. Taoism under the T’ang. Religion and Empire during the Golden Age of Chinese History. London: Wellsweep Press, 1996. BARRETT, Timothy. “Taoism under the T’ang,” Denis Twitchet (ed.), The Cambridge History of China, vol. 4: Sui and T’ang China, part 2. (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, forthcoming). BENN, Charles David. Taoism as Ideology in the Reign of Emperor Hsüan-Tsung, 712–755. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1977. EBREY, Patricia Buckley and Peter N. Gregory (eds.), Religion and Society in T’ang and Sung China. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993. HERBERT, Penelope. “Taoism and the T’ang State,” Proceedings of the first International Symposium on Church and State in China: Past and Present. (Taipei, 1987), 59–68. KIRKLAND, Russell. “From Imperial Tutor to Taoist Priest: Ho Chih-Chang at the T’ang Court,” JAH, 23 (1989), 101–133. KIRKLAND, Russell. “Huang Ling-wei: a Taoist Priestess in T’ang China,” JCR, 19 (1991), 47–73. KOHN, Livia. “The Teaching of T’ien-yin-tzu,” JCR, 15 (1987), 1–28. SCHIPPER, Kristofer M. “Taoist Ritual and Local Cults of the T’ang Dynasty,” Proceedings of the First International Conference on Sinology. (Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1980), 101–115. VERELLEN, Franciscus. Du Guangting (850–933), taoïste de cour à la fin de la Chine médiévale. Paris: Collège de France, 1989. 3.8 Sung Taoism BOLTZ, Judith M. “Not by the Seal of Office Alone: New Weapons in Battles with the Supernatural,” P.B. Ebrey and P.N. Gregory (eds.), Religion and Society in T’ang and Sung China. (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993), 241–305. CAHILL, Suzanne E. “Taoists at the Sung Court: The Heavenly Text Affair of 1008,” BSYS, 16 (1980), 23–44. EBREY, Patricia Buckley and Peter N. Gregory, eds., Religion and Society in T’ang and Sung China. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993. 3.9 Taoism and New Movements During the Conquest Dynasties CHEN, Yuan. The New Taoism in the Northern Provinces at the Beginning of the Southern Song. [Nan-Song chu hebei xin Daojiao kao]. Beijing, 1941. J. Pas and M.K. Leung trans. (in preparation). JAGCHILD, Sechin. “Chinese Buddhism and Taoism during the Mongolian Rule of China,” JMS, 6 (1980), 61–98. THIEL, Joseph. “Der Streit der Buddhisten und Taoisten zur Mongolenzeit,” MS, 20 (1961), 1–81. TSUI, Bartholomew P.M. Taoist Tradition and Change. The Story of the Complete Perfection Sect in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture, 1991. YAO, Tao-chung. Ch’üan-chen: A New Taoist Sect in North China During the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. Doctoral Dissertation; University of Arizona, 1980. 3.10 20th-Century Taoism HAHN, Thomas. “On Doing Field Work in Daoist Studies in the People’s Republic of China—Conditions and Results,” CEA, 2 (1986), 211–217. HAHN, Thomas. “New Developments Concerning Buddhist and Taoist Monasteries,” TT:RCT, (1989), 79–101. JAN, Yün-hua. “The Religious Situation and the Studies of Buddhism and Taoism in China: an Incomplete and Imbalanced Picture,” JCR, 12 (1984), 37–64. MacINNES, Donald E. Religion in China Today: Policy and Practice. Mary-knoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1989. WELCH, Holmes. “The Chang T’ien Shih and Taoism in China,” JOS, 4 (1957–1958), 188–212. |