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1taishang lingbao jingming daoyuan zhengyin jing
太上靈寶淨明道元正印經		Taishang lingbao jingming daoyuan zhengyin jing太上靈寶淨明道元正印經
　2 fols.。1105 (fasc. 756)
　“Scripture of the Orthodox Seal of the Foundation of the Tao, from the Pure and Clear School.” This is a short doctrinal treatise, in rhymed, four-character verses, of a philosophical nature. The text breaks off in the middle of a verse at the end of page 1b, and a section corresponding to part of the printing block numbered feng 奉 (3.3) appears to be missing.
Kristofer Schipper
2taishang lingbao jingming tianzun shuo yuwen jing
太上靈寶淨明天尊說禦瘟經		Taishang lingbao jingming tianzun shuo yuwen jing太上靈寶淨明天尊說禦瘟經
　4 fols.。1106 (fasc. 756)
　“Scripture for the Control of Plagues, spoken by the Pure and Clear Heavenly Worthy, in the Lingbao Tradition.” This short scripture is modeled on the traditional Lingbao texts. Instead of placing the revelation in some remote cosmic era, the text says that it took place in the year jiyou 己酉, corresponding to 1129, the year in which He Shouzheng 何守證 received the Jingming scriptures on Xishan (see the preface to 562 Lingbao jingming xinxiu jiulao shenyin fumo bifa).
　At the request of the “new disciple” Huiwen zhenren 惠文真人, the Tianzun explains why even the faithful are not spared the plague that rages on Earth. However, a new spell and talisman, obligingly copied out by Xu Xun, is given to the disciple as a means of protection.
Kristofer Schipper
3taishang lingbao shouru jingming sigui mingjian jing
太上靈寶首入淨明四規明鑑經		Taishang lingbao shouru jingming sigui mingjian jing太上靈寶首入淨明四規明鑑經
　5 fols.。1107 (fasc. 756)
　“Book of the Fourfold Mirror: An Introduction to the Pure and Clear School, in the Lingbao Tradition.” Four mirrors arranged in a square around the adept (sigui mingjing 四規明鐿) are a common aid to the practice of ecstatic meditation (see, e.g., 1207 Shangqing mingjian zhenjing 1a ff.). In the title of the present work, jian 鑑 stands for jing 鏡, in avoidance of a Song (960–1279) taboo.
　This is a short philosophical and moral treatise in the classical style, comprising four paragraphs (hence the title). It was intended as an introduction to the thought of the Jingming zhongxiao 淨明忠孝 school.
Kristofer Schipper
4taishang lingbao jingming jiuxian shuijing
太上靈寶淨明九仙水經		Taishang lingbao jingming jiuxian shuijing 太上靈寶淨明九仙水經
　6 fols.。1108 (fasc. 765)
　“Book of Water, from the Nine Immortals of the Pure and Clear School.” This is a short essay on the element water and its cosmological role, compared to that of blood in the human body. The reference to Nine Immortals in the title is not explained.
Kristofer Schipper
5taishang lingbao jingming zhonghuang bazhu jing
太上靈寶淨明中黃八柱經		Taishang lingbao jingming zhonghuang bazhu jing太上靈寶淨明中黃八柱經
　6 fols.。1109 (fasc. 756)
　“Scripture on the Eight Pillars of the Yellow Center of the Pure and Clear School.” This essay on the theory of Tending Life techniques comprises eight paragraphs, hence the title. The Yellow Center is seen as the rectifying norm, the nexus of the structure of the energies of the universe and the body.
　According to his biography, Jingming 淨明 patriarch Liu Yu (1257–1308) transmitted the Zhonghuang dadao baji zhenquan 中黃大道八極真詮 to his disciple Huang Yuanji 黃元吉 (see 1110 Jingming zhongxiao quanshu 1.22b). This revelation may well have been the present work, as the sayings of Liu Yu (Yuzhen xiansheng yulu 玉真先生語錄 in 1110 Jingming zhongxiao quanshu 3–5) contains a paragraph devoted to the zhonghuang baji that shows similarities to the present work. Moreover, the text uses xuanwu 玄武 for the emblem of the North, in the place of zhenwu 真武 in Song (960–1279) texts.
Kristofer Schipper
6jingming zhongxiao quanshu
淨明忠孝全書		Jingming zhongxiao quanshu 淨明忠孝全書
　6 juan。By Huang Yuanji 黃元吉, hao Zhonghuang xiansheng 中黃先生 (1271–1325); edited by Xu Hui 徐慧, hao Danjiong daoren 丹扃道人; introduction dated 1327 1110 (fasc. 757)
　“Complete Works of the Pure and Clear School.” Xu Hui (1291–1350) was a disciple of Huang Yuanji, the successor of Liu Yu (1257–1308), author of the renewal of the Jingming zhongxiao 淨明忠孝 school in Yuan (1279–1368) times. In his introduction (dated 1327), Xu tells how he collected the sayings of his master, as well as those of Liu Yu. Xu added a number of documents revealed by planchette or other writings in Yuan times, edited them, and had the whole collection printed. The present edition, however, must have been reedited later, as Xu Hui’s own biography has been added to those of his masters (1.27b–31a).
　Xu’s preface is preceded by no less than six prefaces by different scholars of the Yuan period: Zhang Gui 張珪 (1264–1327), Zhao Shiyan 趙世延 (1260–1336), Yu Ji 虞集 (1272–1348), Teng Bin 滕賓 (also written 滕斌, a Hanlin academician of the years 1308–1313, who later became a daoshi), Zeng Xunshen 曾巽申 (1282–1330), and finally a certain Peng Ye 彭埜, a local academician. These prefaces have been studied by Akizuki Kan’ei (Chûgoku kinsei dôkyô no keisei, 148–55). The first juan contains a number of biographies of the patriarchs of the school, and juan two has a number of planchette revelations. Juan 3–5 have the sayings of Liu Yu (Yuzhen xiansheng yulu 玉真先生語錄), devoted to a wide range of topics, from self-cultivation to liturgy and exorcism. The last juan contains the sayings of Huang Yuanji (Zhonghuang xiansheng wenda 中黃先生問答), compiled by his disciple Chen Tianhe 陳天和.
　This collection constitutes an important source for the history of the school in Yuan times.
　Bibliography：
　Hata Shinobu, “Gendai jômyôdô.”
Kristofer Schipper
7taiwei xianjun gongguo ge
太微仙君功過格		Taiwei xianjun gongguo ge 太微仙君功過格
　14 fols.。By Youxuan zi 又玄子; 1171 186 (fasc. 78)
　“Table of Merits and Offences [Revealed] by Taiwei Xianjun.” In his preface, Youxuan zi states that in the year 1171, under the Jin dynasty (1115–1234), he ascended in a dream to the Purple Palace (zifu 紫府), where he received from Taiwei xianjun the standards for merits and offences and was admonished to pass them on to believers. After waking up, he noted them down—without adding any ideas of his own. The preface is signed “Youxuan zi from the Wuyou studio of the Huizhen Hall on Xishan 西山會真堂無憂軒又玄子.” Since the Xishan in Jiangxi was not under Jin rule, the author’s reference to the Huizhen Hall may point to his affiliation with the Jingming 淨明 tradition there (cf. Akizuki Kan’ei, Chûgoku kinsei dôkyô no keisei, 197 ff.). Thirty-six kinds of meritorious and thirty-nine kinds of impious deeds (divided into four categories each) are listed in the text, ranging on a scale of less than 1 to more than 100 points. The author recommends recording one’s good and bad deeds in separate columns in a ledger every night, establishing a provisional balance once a month and an accumulative balance once a year. The aim of such bookkeeping is to become aware of one’s actions and to change one’s conduct accordingly.
　The present text is the earliest preserved of its kind and served as a model for the various tables of merits and offences that were popular, especially in Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1912) times.
Hans-Hermann Schmidtbibliography Brokaw, Ledgers of Merit and Demerit, 43–52; Sakai Tadao, “Kôka no kenkyû.”
83.b.9 the quanzhen order
全真教		3.B.9 The Quanzhen Order 全真教
　The founder of the Quanzhen school, Wang Zhe 王嚞, hao Chongyang zi (1113– 1170), decided after a failed career in both the military and the civil service under the Jin dynasty (1115–1234) to lead a hermetic life in the Zhongnan shan 終南山 mountains (southern Shaanxi). In 1159 he had two encounters with immortals (usually understood to be Lü Dongbin and Zhongli Quan), adopted a severe asceticism, and obtained the Tao. In 1167 Wang went to the tip of Shandong peninsula to preach. There he converted a wealthy notable, Ma Danyang (1123–1184), who became his prominent disciple under the surname Danyang zi. Wang converted others as well. Among these disciples, hagiography singles out the Qizhen 七真 (Seven Zhenren). In 1170, Wang Zhe took his four core disciples on a journey back to Shaanxi, but he died in modern Kaifeng en route. While in Shandong, Wang Zhe established the Quanzhen (Complete Truth) school, named after his hermitage, and founded lay congregations (hui 會) based on the Three Teachings. Although well corroborated, the sources for Wang’s biography are rather late; we have no funerary stele before 1232, and the first hagiographic work in the canon concerning him is 173 Jinlian zhengzong ji, written in 1241. Although he seems to have been a very impressive personality, Wang seems to have become famous largely through the teachings of his disciples. The main work related to him is 1153 Chongyang quanzhen ji, a large collection of his poems, possibly compiled while he was still alive. Other works deal with Wang’s special relationship with Ma Danyang and were edited by Ma’s circle: 1154 Chongyang jiaohua ji, 1155 Chongyang fenli shihua ji, and the probably apocryphal 1158 Chongyang zhenren shou Danyang ershisi jue. Two other works are also attributed to Wang; 1156 Chongyang zhenren jinguan yusuo jue, concerned with neidan 內丹 techniques, and the programmatic 1233 Chongyang lijiao shiwu lun. He is, furthermore, credited with other books in later hagiographies. It is possible that, in the course of time, some of these lost anthologies were merged in larger anthologies such as 1153 Chongyang quanzhen
ji. The unsystematic nature of these compilations is indicated by the duplication of numerous poems in different texts, for example in both 1153 Chongyang quanzhen ji and 1154 Chongyang jiaohua ji.
　Ma Danyang is, after Wang Zhe, the most prolific author in this corpus. His poems are collected in 1142 Jianwu ji, 1149 Dongxuan jinyu ji, and 1150 Danyang shenguang can, and his speeches in 1057 Danyang zhenren yulu and 1234 Danyang zhenren zhiyan. We know little about the editorial history of Ma’s works since none of them except 1150 Danyang shenguang can has a preface. Ma’s funerary steles mention his poetic skills but quote no title. On the other hand, 174 Jinlian zhengzong xianyuan xiangzhuan quotes quite a few titles we can no longer trace. In contrast, the other male apostles of Quanzhen all have literary collections: Wang Chuyi 王處一 (1152 Yunguang ji), Liu Chuxuan (1141 Xianle ji, as well as the didactic treatise 1058 Wuwei qingjing Changsheng zhenren zhizhen yulu), Tan Chuduan (1160 Shuiyun ji), Hao Datong (1161 Taigu ji), and Qiu Chuji (1148–1227; 1159 Panxi ji). Sun Buer 孫不二, the only female disciple, is absent from the corpus, together with the entire, and considerable, feminine part of the Quanzhen school. We have Sun’s poems only in 1100 Minghe yuyin, but some of these compositions seem to have originated in planchette writing. A problem of attribution is raised by 1056 Jin zhenren yulu, which is quoted in Wang Zhe’s works and also quotes him: it may be a compilation of texts by different authors contemporary to Wang.
　At first a spiritual movement outside established Taoist institutions, the Quanzhen, under the leadership of preachers such as Ma Danyang and Wang Chuyi 王處一, soon attracted many converts and became an independent order. After some conflict in the 1190s, the Jin state eventually recognised the Quanzhen order, permitting it to develop its monastic foundations in the open. Under the leadership of Qiu Chuji, the movement expanded widely and was given a strong and centralized structure. In 1220, the Mongol emperor Genghis Khan, having already invaded part of northern China, called on Qiu to visit him. This he did, with eighteen of his prominent disciples. They met near Samarkand, after a long and difficult journey. Genghis was pleased to grant him privileges and comprehensive authority over China’s monks (chujia 出家), an edict that was to raise much controversy. The whole journey is recorded in 1429 Changchun zhenren xiyou ji, the dialogues with Genghis Khan in 176 Xuanfeng qinghui lu. After these momentous events, a second generation of disciples oversaw the greatest expansion of the order.
　This second generation is represented in the canon by a number of texts. From Yin Zhiping 尹志平 (1169–1251), Qiu Chuji’s heir to the patriarch’s seat, we have an anthology (1146 Baoguang ji) and a collection of sayings (1310 Qinghe zhenren beiyou yulu). A disciple of Ma Danyang composed 1143 Caotang ji, and a disciple of Liu Chuxuan wrote 1264 Lifeng laoren ji. Wang Zhijin, another disciple of Qiu Chuji, who also studied with Hao Datong, is the subject of 1059 Panshan Qiyun Wang zhenren yulu. A disciple of Wang Zhijin authored the 1140 Yunshan ji. From later generations come 267 Shangsheng xiuzhen sanyao and two works by Quanzhen patriarchs of the late thirteenth century, 1147 Xiyun ji and 1073 Daochan ji.
　Apart from these works by well-known masters, the canon also contains other texts from the same period (1220–1280) whose authors are clearly identified with the Quanzhen order but not well documented historically. They are 247 Huizhen ji, 248 Qizhen ji, 1064 Dongyuan ji, 1144 Ziran ji, 1145 Xuanxu zi mingzhen ji, and 1151 Wuzhen ji. These second-generation authors were not all mere imitators. If they drew on the same sources of inspiration as the patriarchs, their poetry shows an evolution in style and doctrine, especially concerning the life of the hermit. As Quanzhen enlarged its audience and gained control of the large ordination monasteries, emphasis shifted from hermetic withdrawal to community life. Selfless striving for merit is the essential theme of works of this period, and Quanzhen’s social action was initially rewarded with unprecedented political autonomy. This privilege started to be restricted in the 1250s, in reponse to the Quanzhen courtship of Buddhists. The movement was severely curtailed in the early 1280s when, in a fit of rage and sudden reversal of policy, the emperor Kublai ordered its canon burned. These changes in court politics, however, did not affect Quanzhen entrenchment in the countryside. Indeed, in the early fourteenth century, the order would recover its official patronage. Meanwhile, the establishment and administration of large ordination monasteries called for monastic rules. It was during the period of consolidation in the early fourteenth century that 1235 Quanzhen qinggui, a compendium of rules, and 1229 Quanzhen zuobo jiefa, a technical manual explaining the use of a method for collective meditation, were compiled. Although political support for the Quanzhen declined in the late thirteenth century, the reunification of China in 1279 brought it into full contact with the southern schools, among which it immediately gained considerable prestige. The various orders had in fact been acquainted for some time. As early as 1260 and 1264, masters of the Quanzhen and Southern school (Nanzong 南宗) traditions, along with other eminent Taoists, were included in comprehensive lineage charts. Travels of Taoist masters across the border are not well documented, but books did make the journey. Van der Loon points to a Southern Song (1127–1279) work, the Taishang shilu 太上實錄 (see the article on 770 Hunyuan shengji) included in the Quanzhen-sponsored canon of 1244 (VDL 56). The inclusion of 1059 Panshan Qiyun Wang zhenren yulu (an eminently Quanzhen text) in the Nanzong anthology 263 Xiuzhen shishu must also have come shortly after the reunification of China (1279), if not before. Quanzhen did spread to southern China, but it never managed to establish large networks of communities there. Instead, it mostly operated small but renowned cloisters attached to large Zhengyi centers in the south.
　Not many post-reunification Quanzhen texts are clearly dateable. There is 276 Xiyi zhimi lun whose author, Niu Daochun, also wrote a commentary (727 Wenshi zhenjing zhu) and the hagiographic account 174 Jinlian zhengzong xianyuan xiangzhuan. The major legacy of that period is identified with the more speculative works of southern authors such as Li Daochun, Miao Shanshi 苗善時, Chen Zhixu, Wang Jie (mid-fourteenth century), and Jin Zhiyang 金志陽 (1276–1336), who was raised in the Nanzong tradition and also initiated into Quanzhen pedagogy, thus claiming double affiliation. Although not a priori Quanzhen Taoists, these authors produced some of the most remarkable premodern Taoist literature, and eventually became regarded as authorities in modern Quanzhen. Beside this syncretic tradition, the continuity of the classical early Quanzhen tradition, at least during the early Ming (1368–1644), is documented in 1076 Suiji yinghua lu, a yulu by He Daoquan 何道全 (1319?–1399). Encyclopedic works from the Ming such as 1232 Daomen shigui and 1483 Tianhuang zhidao taiqing yuce also attest to the broad acceptance of Quanzhen practice and texts among all Taoist circles.
　The comparatively small number of Quanzhen texts, amounting to less than 4 percent of the canon’s volume, does not reflect the historical importance of the order that since the late twelfth century has come to be regarded as a vital element of the Taoist tradition. And yet the sixty-odd texts discussed here, casually scattered in various compilations, provide a huge wealth of historical and doctrinal information that to this day has scarcely begun to be explored by scholars. The major problem with Quanzhen writings lies in their unsystematic nature. Quanzhen is not a revelation, and there is no founding scripture on which the whole tradition can be said to rest. The fact that the school produced no classic was considered a blemish by the early Ming theoretician Zhao Yizhen. For a school with a deep sense of its unity and mission, the corpus left by Quanzhen is dispersed and heterogeneous.
　It is not easy to define a Quanzhen text. No common formal criteria seem to link the corpus together. Reference to the patriarchs (most often Wang Zhe and Qiu Chuji) is frequent but not systematic. Neither is the word Quanzhen a reliable indicator: on one hand it is claimed by authors primarily affiliated with other schools, and on the other, it is absent from many core Quanzhen texts. Its synonyms include Golden Lotus (Jinlian 金蓮) and, more frequently, Mysterious Movement (Xuanfeng 玄風). It is indeed a rather vague term, and as Hachiya Kunio points out, its use by Wang Zhe himself is not very consistent (Kindai dôkyô, 15). To indicate “becoming a Quanzhen Taoist,” one employed the usual terms for entering the religious life or monastic orders (chujia 出家 or rudao 入道). For the doctrine of the Quanzhen masters, the nonsectarian wuwei qingjing 無爲清靜 was most commonly used. It is, moreover, hazardous to identify a Quanzhen text on the basis of doctrine. Their prominent features, neidan and Three Teachings “syncretism,” are common to many writings of that period, including the Nanzong. The patriarch of this southern lineage, Zhang Boduan, is often quoted in Quanzhen works (although more often in second generation texts), and the two schools share the same theoretical foundations. Some scholars have tried to distinguish between the “Northern” (original Quanzhen) and “Southern” schools on the basis of their different emphases regarding xing 性and ming 命 (mind and body) cultivation; this has been put into perspective by more recent research (see especially Chen Bing, “Jin Yuan Quanzhen dao,” 538–40).
　The early Quanzhen placed great emphasis on morals. Their scriptures hold forth about karma and the necessity of accumulating merit over many generations to attain truth and dismiss all practices but the purification of the mind. This has led some contemporaries to identify Quanzhen with Chan (see 1066 Xuanzong zhizhi wanfa tonggui 3.7b: “Quanzhen practices the Sudden Way, it is therefore a sort of Buddhism”). This image of early Quanzhen as pure moral asceticism might primarily reflect a sociological distinction rather than a doctrinal choice. The Quanzhen order was at that time addressing very large lay congregations, and the “recorded sayings” ( yulu) bear witness to their popular audiences. Most extant non-Quanzhen yulu, by contrast, are esoteric discussions between advanced adepts. The same differences can be observed among the audiences of Quanzhen and non-Quanzhen poetry. A few theoretical texts by Quanzhen authors (e.g., 1161 Taigu ji, 247 Huizhen ji 1, 248 Qizhen ji 3), however, show that the school’s propogators were not averse to the kind of speculative writings for which the Southern school (Nanzong) is justly famous. The most sensible way to identify a Quanzhen text, then, would be by affiliation of the author with the Quanzhen organization, with the help of historical sources, notably epigraphy. Unfortunately, many texts in the canon have either authors who are otherwise unknown, or no indication of authorship at all. Thus we have a number of texts that seem related to the Quanzhen movement, but that cannot be incorporated into a strictly defined corpus. The present set of some sixty well-identified texts, however, is large enough to allow for a description of the major genres. These are (1) hagiography, (2) recorded saying ( yulu) and collected works, and (3) didactic writings, covering both precepts and practices. One of the most remarkable achievements of the early Quanzhen was the edition of the 1244 canon, almost without state support, in a very short period of time and under troubled conditions. It is difficult to have a clear idea of the contents of this canon, but available evidence suggests that the compilers did not interfere with the traditional Three Caverns and Four Auxiliaries (sandong sifu 三洞四輔) partition, nor did they attempt to fill the canon with their own literature. At most, they added a few hagiographic works at the end. This process was completely in line with the nature of the Quanzhen movement: the masters respected the canon and strove to enlarge its diffusion, but they considered their own writings to be extracanonical. The Quanzhen order, however, did not completely abstain from manipulating the potent symbols of the canonical tradition. There are a few cases where it tried to find a place for itself in this tradition. The first such case was the rediscovery of the Wenshi zhenjing 文始真經 in 1233. This scripture authored by Yin Xi 尹喜, Laozi’s disciple, had been lost for centuries. When it was found in a cache of documents and presented to the patriarch Yin Zhiping 尹志平, it was considered to be an omen of the new propagation of Taoism. The coincidence of the Yin name was reinforced by the fact that Yin’s master, Qiu Chuji, was himself widely considered, owing to his western travels, to be a new Laozi. The Wenshi zhenjing was not a real rediscovery, however, since the text (probably a tenth-century apocryphal work) had actually been in circulation for some time already.
　A different kind of scriptural manipulation was the forging of new jing. Although this can never be proved definitely, it does seem that at least two (and probably more) “Lingbao scriptures,” the Datong jing 大通經 and the Chiwen donggu jing 赤文洞古經 were written in Quanzhen circles. This authorship would explain why these two works almost always appear with commentaries by Quanzhen masters, and also why to this day they are included in almost all Quanzhen collections. Other possible cases include 646 Taishang laojun wai riyong miaojing and 25 Yuanshi tianzun shuo dedao liaoshen jing. On the other hand, neither the Wenshi zhenjing nor the various “Quanzhen scriptures” ever commanded special authority among the adepts.
　The history of Quanzhen texts should be understood in the framework of the Quanzhen organization, a monastic order based on a dense network of small monasteries and temples, supported by lay congregations (hui 會). For instance, the 1309 reprint of 176 Xuanfeng qinghui tu was due to fundraising organized by a number of lay members of Taoist associations spread from Hangzhou to Peking. We can therefore understand the existence of many “association members” (huishou) among the dedicatees of Quanzhen poetry. Most prefaces were written by lay believers who were not, properly speaking, Taoists, but whose deep faith and admiration went well beyond the polite deference of a scholar pen-friend. Du Dekang 杜德康, the sponsor of Yin Zhiping, is a telling example; Wang E 王鶚 (1190–1273), sponsor of Wang Zhijin and his disciple Ji Zhizhen, is another. These men were Confucians engaged in political careers; they were clearly not free to follow the ascetic path of celibacy and poverty of a Quanzhen monk but were nonetheless engaged, in a personal and not merely intellectual sense, in the Quanzhen movement.
　The complete reorganization of the Quanzhen after the fall of the Yuan entailed a loss of the best part of such support. Literary output dropped dramatically and never recovered the intensity of the thirteenth century. It is likely that many works were also lost around that time. The compilers of the Zhengtong canon, who held Quanzhen in high esteem, included all the scriptures they could find (possibly in the libraries of large monasteries), but much more was lost. It is unlikely that the 1281 condemnation played a role in this, since Quanzhen writings were not especially targeted. The burning of many temples during the Yuan-Ming transition is a more likely culprit. Moreover, although Taoist-inclined literati enjoyed Quanzhen poetry, it never caught the fancy of mainstream literary criticism, which, with some reason, found it too forceful and ideological. The Quanzhen anthologies were therefore rarely to be found in large private libraries. Quanzhen poetry is rarely included in imperial anthologies of classical poetry; it has been rediscovered by literary historians only in recent decades.
　This picture is confirmed by two observations. First, very few Yuan and Ming editions of Quanzhen works in the canon survive separately. We have only a Jin edition of 1159 Panxi ji and Yuan editions of 1140 Yunshan ji and 1059 Panshan Qiyun Wang zhenren yulu, all in the Peking Library. The 1059 Wang zhenren yulu is often quoted, has been included in several Ming collectanea (congshu), and commanded the respect of luminaries like Jiao Hong 焦竑 (1541–1620). Jiao’s attitude might be typical of the many scholars who, without considering the Quanzhen masters as first-class poets or essayists, were impressed by the depth of insight and spirituality conveyed by their words. The second observation concerns the listing of Quanzhen works in the bibliographic catalogues of the Ming and Qing. Thirty-six titles are mentioned, some of them since lost, belonging to all categories (see Goossaert, “La création du taoïsme moderne,” 436–38). The anthologies, however, are underrepresented: it is remarkable, for instance, that Wang Zhe’s works are completely absent from these catalogues. The most salient information is that hagiographic works account for almost half of the references. It seems that mainstream Chinese scholars chose to remember early Quanzhen for its historical significance rather than for its contribution to Chinese thought and literature. It is also noteworthy that, of the five early Quanzhen works that have been transmitted outside the canon (Xuanfeng qinghui tu, Laozi bashiyi hua tu, Qizhen xianzhuan, Quanzhen zongyan fangwai xuanyan, and Daode jing zhu by He Daoquan, all mentioned above), three are of a hagiographic nature.
　Quanzhen works mentioned in epigraphy, hagiographic texts, and quotations from Ming texts, as well as their prefaces in literary collections, resuscitate titles of books now lost. A comprehensive check provided a list of eighty-one such titles. As far as we can tell from mere titles, these books seem to have been similar in format to those that are extant; mainly poetry, yulu, and a number of commentaries on the Taoist classics. This suggests that the selection of Quanzhen texts now extant, largely thanks to the Zhengtong canon, is representative of the larger production of early Quanzhen.
93.b.9.a hagiography and biography
全真教紀傳		3.B.9.a Hagiography and Biography 全真教紀傳
　A large collection of hagiographic works, inside and outside the canon, is concerned with the Quanzhen movement. In the canon, the oldest text is 173 Jinlian zhengzong ji, composed by Qin Zhian 秦志安 (1188–1244), coeditor of the Taoist canon of the Jin, the Xuandu baozang 玄都寶藏 of 1244, for inclusion in that collection. Then come three works by the greatest Quanzhen historiographer, Li Daoqian (1219–1296): a chronology (175 Qizhen nianpu), a collection of biographies (955 Zhongnan shan zuting xianzhen neizhuan), and an anthology of stele inscriptions (973 Ganshui xianyuan lu). From a later date are 174 Jinlian zhengzong xianyuan xiangzhuan, which probably aimed at the same public as 173 Jinlian zhengzong ji: both are breviaries of the origins and early history of the Quanzhen. Also written in the fourteenth century, 1069 Shangyang zi jindan dayao liexian zhi adopts the same format as the two works above: the Five Ancestors, wuzu 五祖 (Laozi, Donghua dijun 東華帝君, Zhongli Quan, Lü Dongbin, and Liu Haichan; Wang Zhe may replace Laozi), and the Seven Zhenren; it also adds his own subbranch of the lineage. There existed further narratives about the Quanzhen patriarchs, as their celebrity made them public figures. For instance, one of the sources of 175 Qizhen nianpu is a book by the Jin literary figure turned Quanzhen monk Wang Cui 王粹 (d. 1243), a work later expanded into the Qizhen xianzhuan 七真仙傳, still extant in a 1417 edition. These narratives in turn inspired full-fledged novels called “stories of the Seven Zhenren,” of which several examples date from the Qing. Novelists were not the only ones interested in these tales. Playwrights also plumbed them. Ma Danyang was the hero of plays written at the end of the thirteenth century (see Hawkes, “Quanzhen plays”). A variety of works from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries together provide as many as six different versions of the history of Wang Zhe and his seven apostles, not to mention some 500 extant stone inscriptions. Although usually treated as a group, the early Quanzhen masters also have individual hagiographies in anecdotal style. 594 Tixuan zhenren xianyi lu is concerned with one of the Seven Zhenren, Wang Chuyi 王處一; 305 Chunyang dijun shenhua miaotong ji is the standard hagiography of Lü Dongbin, as well as providing the framework of the murals of the Chunyang dian 純陽殿 in the renowned Quanzhen monastery Yongle gong 永樂宮, built on Lü’s presumed birthplace (Ang, “Le culte de Lü Dongbin”). In the same monastery, the murals of the Chongyang dian 重陽殿, devoted to Wang Zhe, are in a poor state and little studied, but they were certainly based on a similar hagiographic work. The murals can be identified with an illustrated biography of Wang, Chongyang zhenjun minhua tu, quoted in the still partially extant 1309 edition of Xuanfeng qinghui tu 玄風慶會圖 (reprint Shanghai: Hanfen lou, 1925). This work by the Quanzhen monk Shi Zhijing 石志經 (1202–1275) is an illustrated biography of Qiu Chuji. This beautifully edited work matches a full-page illustration with each anecdote. Shi Zhijing, a friend of Li Daoqian, also composed the Laojun bashiyi hua tu 老君八十一化圖, an illustrated narration of the various apparitions of Laozi on Earth, which elicited much furore from the Buddhists since it included the old huahu 化胡 story. All of these works, whether written or pictorial, belong to the same genre, to which one can also add 170 Zitong dijun huashu.
　Most of these works appeared during the half century 1230–1280, when Quanzhen identity was being elaborated in a very competitive setting. In particular, Li Daoqian and Shi Zhijing were active around the time of the famous Buddho-Taoist controversies of the 1250s, and their works might very well be an answer to them, although they do not show any prejudice against other religions (see Miura Suichi, “Gendai shisô”). The 1429 Changchun zhenren xiyou ji is also relevant to this problem. The literary, artistic, and historiographic qualities of the Quanzhen accounts of this period contrast with the offensiveness of their detractors (cf. Rachewiltz, “The Hsi-yu lu,” and Kubo Noritada, “Prolegomena”). The Quanzhen compilers usually mention their sources and rarely take recourse to spurious evidence (the first four ancestors being an exception). All authors mainly rely on stele inscriptions. This underlines the role of lay patrons in fashioning Quanzhen’s identity, for most steles were written by scholars, even if they used the memoranda provided by the Quanzhen monks.
　Quanzhen lore is centred on lineages, not on places. The order nonetheless regarded the Zhongnan shan 終南山 (Shaanxi) as its holy land, and it is in Quanzhen circles that 956 Zhongnan shan shuojing tai lidai zhenxian beiji (also available in rubbing) and 957 Gu Louguan ziyun yanqing ji were compiled, thus acknowledging the local traditions to which the Quanzhen movement was heir.
10jinlian zhengzong ji
金蓮正宗記		Jinlian zhengzong ji 金蓮正宗記
　5 juan。By Qin Zhian 秦志安, hao Changchun hutian 長春壺天, Linjian yuke 林間羽客, Shuli daoren 樗櫟道人; preface dated 1241。173 (fasc. 75–76)
　“Record of the True Line of Transmission of the Golden Lotus School.” This scripture has a preface by the author, dated 1241. In Henan, Qin Zhian joined Song Defang. Both Taoists assumed responsibility for the edition of the Xuandu baozang 玄都寶藏. Qin Zhian incorporated “The Time Line of Transmission” into this collection of Taoist literature (see Yuan Haowen 元好問, “Tongzhen zi mubei ming 通真子墓碑銘,” in Yishan xiansheng wenjing 31.314b–315b).
　The “True Line of Transmission” comprises fourteen Taoist names. The respective biographies have been arranged according with the historical development of the lineage as understood by the author. The first patriarch of the Golden Lotus (Quanzhen) school is Donghua dijun 東華帝君 (Wang Xuanfu 王玄甫), who was initiated into the Taoist order by the deity Boyun shangzhen 白雲上真. Donghua dijun passed his knowledge to Zhongli Quan. The biographies of Lü Yan and Liu Haichan follow. These two Taoists were also spiritual ancestors of the Quanzhen school. Then the text gives the biographies of Wang Chongyang and his two friends from Shaanxi, He Yuchan 和玉蟾 and Li Lingyang 李靈陽, preceding the presentation of the Seven Zhenren (Qizhen 七真), who are connected with Wang Chongyang’s activities in Shandong. The two friends from Shaanxi constitute a link with the village of Liujiang (see 955 Zhongnan shan zuting xianzhen neizhuan 1.1a–4a). Wang Chongyang is featured as a successor to Lin Lingsu. However, Wang Chongyang’s specialty was Taoist teachings dealing with human nature and existence (xingming 性命).
　The biographies contain a descriptive text and one or several eulogies. They also mention the honors that had been bestowed on these Taoists by emperors of the Jurchen Jin (1115–1234) and Yuan (1279–1368) dynasties. Finally they list the literary works written by these masters. Each biography concludes with a mediumistic poem. The “The Time Line of Transmission” aims to legitimize the Quanzhen school in the first half of the thirteenth century.
Florian C. Reiter
11jinlian zhengzong xianyuan xiangzhuan
金蓮正宗仙源像傳		Jinlian zhengzong xianyuan xiangzhuan 金蓮正宗仙源像傳
　45 fols.。Compiled by Liu Zhixuan 劉志玄, hao Lushan qingxi daoren 廬山清溪道人, and Xie Xichan 謝西蟾; preface dated 1326。174 (fasc. 76)
　“Portraits and Biographies Concerning the Origin of the Masters of the True Line of Transmission of the Golden Lotus [School].” Two prefaces introduce this work. The first was written by the Thirty-ninth Heavenly Master, Zhang Sicheng 張嗣成, hao Taixuan zi 太玄子, and is dated 1327. The second preface is by Liu Zhixuan and is dated 1326. This work, like 173 Jinlian zhengzong ji, deals with the history of the Quanzhen school.
　The short biographies, each of which is preceded by a portrait of its subject (figs. 59–61), also indicate the literary works of the master. Reference is made to the temples or cloisters, which were founded after the death of the respective master in places where he had lived, taught, and finally died. At the end of each text, the honorary titles decreed by the court of the Yuan dynasty (1279–1368) are listed. A short eulogy concludes the text of each biography. An independent collection of historical documents precedes the portraits and biographies. This collection was printed in 1324. The documents comprise Genghis Khan’s statements inviting Qiu Chuji, the decree bestowing honorary titles on the founders of the Quanzhen school, issued in 1269 by Kublai, and finally four similar documents issued in 1310 by Wuzong. All these documents had been copied by Liu Zhixuan when he was serving the Quanzhen master Sun Deyu 孫德彧 (1243–1321) at the Changchun temple in the capital.
Florian C. Reiter
12qizhen nianpu
七真年譜		Qizhen nianpu 七真年譜
　22 fols.。Compiled by Li Daoqian 李道謙; 1271 175 (fasc. 76)
　“Chronological Biographies of the Seven Zhenren.” Li Daoqian is said to have compiled these biographies in the Ancestral Hall at Liujiang village, Shaanxi. This was the western center of the Quanzhen school. The Seven Zhenren are the seven masters of the first generation, the followers of Wang Zhe (Chongyang). At the beginning of the text, biographical data concerning Wang Zhe are given. They are taken from a biography written by Wang Cui 王粹. The chronology covers the period between the birth of the historical founder of the school, Wang Zhe (1112), and the death of Qiu Chuji (1227). Qiu Chuji (Changchun) was the last of the Seven Zhenren to die. The chronology compiles the most remarkable events and data referring to the Qizhen’s contacts with Wang Zhe and their careers as Quanzhen Taoists.
　The biographies attempt to reconcile some contradictory information, which could have been drawn from older (not specified) biographies. Li Daoqian bases his corrections on the literary collections of the Seven Zhenren, which are treated as authentic and reliable documents. The text also points to some other works by Quanzhen Taoists that are said to be reliable.
Florian C. Reiter
13xuanfeng qinghui lu
玄風慶會錄		Xuanfeng qinghui lu 玄風慶會錄
　9 fols.。By Yila Chucai 移剌楚才; preface 1232 176 (fasc. 76)
　“Record of the Celebrated Encounter with Taoism.” This account was in fact written by Yelü Chucai 耶律楚材. Yila Chucai is a distortion of that name. The anonymous preface is dated 1232. It speaks about the visit of the Quanzhen patriarch and preceptor of state, Qiu Chuji, to the temporary residence of the Khan. The preface compares this event with the famous journey to the West that Laozi is said to have undertaken. It is stated that the “Celebrated Encounter” had been written at the behest of the Khan.
　The text records the encounters between Qiu Chuji and Genghis Khan in 1222. It features the Taoist’s answers to the Khan in response to his request for medicine to prolong his life. Qiu Chuji expounds his philosophy and discusses the conditions that shape a human life. He pays special attention to the conditions of the ruler. There is an intimate relationship between the external affairs of state and the human qualities of a ruler. The Khan is advised to restrain his old habits. Qiu Chuji points to the pacifying effects of the Way, which the teachings and deeds of Taoists (Zhengyi and Quanzhen) had brought to China. He also suggests imitating the example of the Jurchen Jin (1115–1234) rulers, who had employed Liu Yu 劉豫 to enforce Chinese ways of government. The most interesting parts of the “Celebrated Encounter” are translated in Waley, The travels of an alchemist, 21–25.
　Bibliography：
　Zhang Zheng, “Genfû keikai roku wo megutte.”
Florian C. Reiter
14chunyang dijun shenhua miaotong ji
純陽帝君神化妙通紀		Chunyang dijun shenhua miaotong ji 純陽帝君神化妙通紀
By Miao Shanshi 苗善時 (fl. 1324) 7 juan。305 (fasc. 159)
　“Records of the Miraculous Manifestation of the Transcendence of the Imperial Lord Pure Yang.” Chunyang dijun is the official title Lü Yan received in 1310 by decree of the emperor Wuzong. The author of this account, a native of Nanking, was a disciple of Li Daochun (see 1060 Qing’an Yingchan zi yulu 3) and the editor of 651 Taishang dongshen sanyuan miaoben fushou zhenjing (postface dated 1324).
　According to the preface, the records consisted of 120 tales of miraculous manifestations (hua) in six juan. The present edition only reaches the hua 108. The episodes 20–24 and 26–33 are missing; the remaining hua number ninety-five and are arranged in seven juan. They trace the life of the saint, from his birth in 790 at Yongle (Hezhong fu, Shanxi) to his death at the end of the Tang (hua 1 to 8). Next in the narrative come the many post-mortem appearances of the saints, continuing into the late thirteenth century. Many of these tales feature anecdotes known through later compilations (see 1484 Lüzu zhi) as well as Yuan (1279–1368) and Ming (1368–1644) plays and vernacular literature. The author adds his comments to the tales, either as a “judgment” (tuan 彖) or as a poem (shi 詩). The first hua are all followed by tuan, whereas later hua are mostly followed by poems. Comments on the last stories (after number 101) are missing.
　The author freely declares his views through the comments. He represents the texts of 1191 Bichuan Zhengyang zhenren lingbao bifa and of Zhong-Lü chuandao ji (in 263 Xiuzhen shishu juan14–15) as forgeries. On the other hand, the saint is said to have received 19 Taisjang shengxuan xiaozai huming miaojing, a holy book collecting the essence of the Three Teachings, during his initiation (2.5b). At the beginning of the present work, the author reproduces two imperial decrees canonizing the Five Patriarchs of Quanzhen, Lü Yan being one of them. These decrees, dated 1269 and 1310, also feature in 174 Jinlian zhengzong xianyuan xiangzhuan.
　Bibliography：
　Ang, “Le culte de Lü Dongbin”; Mori Yuria, “Junyô teikun shinka myôtsû ki.”
Kwong Hing Foon
15tixuan zhenren xianyi lu
體玄真人顯異錄		Tixuan zhenren xianyi lu 體玄真人顯異錄
　15 fols.。Thirteenth century 594 (fasc. 329)
　“Report on the Wondrous Events [in the Life of] the Adept who is United with the Mystery.” This account concerns the Quanzhen patriarch Wang Chuyi 王處一 (first generation of the Seven Zhenren), on whom Emperor Zhangzong in 1198 bestowed the title of Tixuan dashi 體玄大師. This work was compiled by his followers. It contains nineteen accounts of the wondrous deeds of the patriarch. Wang Chuyi appears to have effected the miracles in order to convert people.
　In 1287, Yao Sui 姚燧 based his inscription “Yuyang tixuan guangdu zhenren Wang zongshi daoxing beiming 玉陽體玄廣度真人王宗師道行碑銘,” in 973 Ganshui xian-
yuan lu 2.13a, on this work. The expanded honorary title of the Taoist, which was used in the title of Yao Sui’s inscription, had been conferred on Wang Chuyi in 1269 by Emperor Shizu. It is possible that the present text already existed before 1269.
　Wang Chuyi is featured as a Taoist priest and healer who was well versed in magical methods. No mention is made of his affiliation with the Quanzhen school. This work describes events that are reported in part in 1152 Yunguang ji, such as the magic that Wang performed in order to procure rain in Peking in 1209 (4a–4b). The present work provides important information about the way of life of this Taoist who traveled widely in Shandong and Hebei, not having the habit of staying long in one place. This work and 1152 Yunguang ji complement one another.
　Bibliography：
　Mori Yuria, “Taigen shinjin ken’iroku.”
Florian C. Reiter
16zhongnan shan zuting xianzhen neizhuan
終南山祖庭仙真內傳		Zhongnan shan zuting xianzhen neizhuan 終南山祖庭仙真內傳
　3 juan。By Li Daoqian 李道謙; preface by Wang Daoming 王道明 dated 1284 955 (fasc. 605)
　“Biographies of the Immortal Zhenren of the Ancestral Hall at Mount Zhongnan.” These biographies describe the activities of Quanzhen Taoists of the first, second, and third generations. The Ancestral Hall (Liujiang village, Shaanxi) was around the end of the thirteenth century a major center of the Quanzhen school (compare 175 Qizhen nianpu 5b–9b). The author of the preface, Wang Daoming, was in charge of the Yuxian gong 遇仙宮 temple in Ganhe zhen 甘河鎮 (Zhongnan). The immortals and zhenren in question were the friends and followers of Wang Chongyang, Ma Danyang, Qiu Chuji, and other patriarchs of the Quanzhen school, who had lived for some time in the Ancestral Hall. The biographies feature the affiliations of these Taoists. They show clearly how the Quanzhen school increasingly gained influence in society. The biographies list their subjects’ literary works and sometimes officially decreed posthumous titles. Numerous biographies concern persons for whom no inscriptions had been written. This work preserves important supplements to the collection of inscriptions later compiled by the same author (see 973 Ganshui xianyuan lu).
Florian C. Reiter
17ganshui xianyuan lu
甘水仙源錄		Ganshui xianyuan lu 甘水仙源錄
　10 juan。By Li Daoqian 李道謙, hao Hefu 和甫; postface by Zhang Haogu 張好古; 1289 973 (fasc. 611–613)
　“Record of the Immortals from the Sweet Water [River].” This collection of inscriptions concerns the history of the Quanzhen school. The Sweet Water River (Ganhe) flows through Ganhe county in Shaanxi where Wang Chongyang (1112–1170) met with zhenren and received Taoist instructions. The immortals constitute the historical and orthodox line of transmission in the Quanzhen school, from the first to the third generation. Li Daoqian hailed from Kaifeng. In 1281 he was the abbot of the Chongyang wanshou gong temple (Liujiang village, Shaanxi). Li Daoqian, who is also the author of 175 Qizhen nianpu and 955 Zhongnan shan zuting xianzhen neizhuan, was a student and follower of Yu Dongzhen 余洞真 (1166–1250). He was a major author and compiler of the history of the Quanzhen school. His student Zhang Haogu says in his postface (10.32a–33a) that Li collated all texts of this collection.
　Li Daoqian places at the very beginning of this work the edict of Emperor Shizu (1269), which decrees religious titles for the spiritual ancestors of the Quanzhen school and for Wang Chongyang and his seven followers. The compilation of inscriptions that follow this edict deal with life within the Quanzhen order and with Quanzhen temples. This work also contains official and scholarly poems that refer to Quanzhen Taoists.
　Some inscriptions were composed by well-known literati like Yuan Haowen 元好問 (1190–1257), Yao Sui 姚燧 (1238–1313), and Wang E 王鶚 (1190–1273). There are several different types of texts: tomb inscriptions, steles, and biographies. Comparisons with other editions show that Li Taoqian did not always transcribe his texts accurately and completely. However, most of the inscriptions in this edition cannot be found elsewhere; for this reason, the compilation remains the most important source for the history of the Quanzhen school.
Florian C. Reiter
18changchun zhenren xiyou ji
長春真人西遊記		Changchun zhenren xiyou ji 長春真人西遊記
　2 juan。By Li Zhichang 李志常, hao Zhenchang zi 真常子; preface by Sun Xi 孫錫 dated 1228。1429 (fasc. 1056)
　“Report on the Journey of the Adept Changchun to the West.” This account was written by the Quanzhen Taoist Li Zhichang, who accompanied the leader of the school, Qiu Chuji, on his journey in 1221–1224 from Peking via Central Asia to the temporary residence of Genghis Khan near Kabul.
　The present text describes the travelers, itinerary, and people the two zhenren met along the way. The author observes the activities of the patriarch, who had numerous contacts with local officials and participated in religious festivities. There is only scant information about the discussions with the Khan (on that subject, see 176 Xuanfeng qinghui lu). This work also covers the period between Qiu Chuji’s return to Peking and his death in 1227. It includes information about the arrangements for nominating a successor in the leadership of the Quanzhen school (Yin Qinghe 尹清和). The appendix (2.27b–32a) contains seven documents. Most of these had been sent either by the Khan or the administration of Peking concerning Qiu Chuji. Large portions of this report are translated by A. Waley (The travels of an alchemist).
　Bibliography：
　Waley, The travels of an alchemist; Zhang Zheng, “Chôshun shinjin saiyûki ni tsuite.”
Florian C. Reiter
193.b.9.b logia and collected works
全真教文集		3.B.9.b Logia and Collected Works 全真教文集
　Many Quanzhen masters had their own literary anthology, usually composed only of shi 詩and ci 詞-poems, and various songs. Besides individual anthologies, selected collective anthologies of Quanzhen poetry were compiled to help spread the gospel of Quanzhen predication. Although it is not limited to Quanzhen authors, 1100 Minghe yuyin contributed to the diffusion of Quanzhen poetry. A Quanzhen monk edited the authoritative collection of Lü Dongbin’s poetry, 1055 Chunyang zhenren huncheng ji.
　The prevalence of poetry in Quanzhen literature seems quite natural; poetry was a part of the curriculum in Quanzhen schools. Quanzhen poems range between the didactic and lyric styles. The variety of subjects is matched by the variety of styles. Unlike the clearly structured poetical works of southern neidan, Quanzhen poetry is experimental. For instance, verses exchanged between Wang Zhe and Ma Danyang leave the first character of a verse for the recipient of the poem to guess (cangtou 藏頭). Ma Danyang also offers verse experiments in the repetitive style. The most common mode is the ci and, more generally, poetry to be sung. Beside their use as “cases for reflection” ( gongan 公案), these songs were also chanted during meditation or ritual and more generally on collective occasions. The Quanzhen rules specify, “During the hai hour [9 to 11 p.m.] we sing and chant, read religious discourses, lyric and regular poetry to dispel the temptations of sleep” (1235 Quanzhen qinggui 6a.).
　Why did Quanzhen masters prefer to communicate through poetry? Quite simply, their poetry appealed to the emotions; its aim was to convert as much as to explain. It was intended to induce a religious experience that would cause one to “enter the Tao,” not to understand it. Quanzhen was a missionary institution, and poetry its language of conversion. A large number of Quanzhen poems were composed upon solicitation by an adept, or given to prospective adepts with a performative intent. Many verses begin with words such as “I enjoin you to . . . (quan jun 勸君).” In order to increase their audience, poems were engraved on stone in temples. This is why hagiographic accounts, when quoting a book, always insist on its being “spread in the world” (xing yushi 行于世), the very opposite of an esoteric book. The performative aspect of Quanzhen poetry is borne out by its links with Yuan theater (zaju 雜劇), which is replete with “Taoist aspirations” (daoqing 道情) lyrics and allusions to the cult of the immortals. The canon contains a set of daoqing songs, 1144 Ziran ji, that might have been sung during festivals at Quanzhen temples and monasteries, possibly to accompany the life stories of the immortals and Quanzhen saints, not unlike the Buddhist bianwen 變文.
　Just as Quanzhen poetry was anthologized, its yulu (sayings) were also edited in “selections,” such as 1256 Zhenxian zhizhi yulu. The most remarkable examples of Quanzhen logia, however, are four longer independent works: 1057 Danyang zhenren yulu, 1310 Qinghe zhenren beiyou yulu, 1059 Panshan Qiyun Wang zhenren yulu, and 1076 Suiji yinghua lu. Many more Quanzhen yulu were compiled during the Ming and Qing periods, some of which are in the present corpus, but few match the missionary spirit of these four works. The prevalence of colloquial baihua now make them difficult to read, but their humor (sometimes in the tradition of Linji Chan) and the predominance of autobiographical narratives contribute to their appeal. They exhibit a pedagogy based on imitation of the lives of the saints and collective emulation of asceticism, in a exalted atmosphere. The continued relevance of these older yulu is documented by their edition by a Quanzhen monk at the beginning of the twentieth century (see Liezhen yulu jiyao 列真語錄輯要, Daozang jinghua, ser. 3, vol. 8) and by excerpts posted in monasteries today.
20yunguang ji
雲光集		Yunguang ji 雲光集
　4 juan。By Wang Chuyi 王處一; between 1213–1217 1152 (fasc. 792)
　“Radiance of the Clouds.” This literary collection presents lyrical works of various genres. Originally the collection had a preface by the author, now lost (see 175 Qizhen nianpu 4a). There is a reference to the death of Hao Datong (1213). Wang Chuyi died in 1217. These dates suggest that the collection was compiled between 1213 and 1217. Radiance of the Clouds is the name of a cave in Wendeng 文登 (Shandong), where Wang Chuyi was living when he joined Wang Chongyang in 1168.
　The collection contains dedications written for friends and acquaintances, instructions for students or disciples (see, e.g., 4.28a–28b), and also many texts that deal with specific events in the life of the author. Wang Chuyi, who had received attention from the imperial court, was a renowned Taoist priest and practitioner of exorcistic and liturgical services. His activities, which were commented upon by himself and eventually by his followers, connect this work with 594 Tixuan zhenren xianyi lu.
Florian C. Reiter