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1 | taishang dongxuan lingbao wudi jiaoji zhaozhen yujue 太上洞玄靈寶五帝醮祭招真玉訣 | Taishang dongxuan lingbao wudi jiaoji zhaozhen yujue太上洞玄靈寶五帝醮祭招真玉訣 7 fols.。Edited by Zhang Chengxian 張承先; Tang (618–907) 411 (fasc. 191) “Jade Instructions for the Sacrifice to the Five Emperors and for Summoning the Zhenren.” These instructions correspond to a section from 352 Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing (2.20a–28b). Zhang Chengxian, a Taoist master of the Tang dynasty (see 508 Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi 20.9b–11b), states in a concluding remark that he extracted this ritual (from the original work) and edited it to serve for an independent ceremony. On the day of transmission of the two registers of the Lingbao wulao chishu 靈寶五老赤書 and the staff for commanding the Eight Daunters (see the article on 528 Taishang dongxuan lingbao shoudu yi), this sacrifice should be held in order to summon the heavenly zhenren. After the initial performance, this ceremony should be repeated three times at intervals of three years. Hans-Hermann Schmidt |
2 | taishang huanglu zhaiyi 太上黃籙齋儀 | Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 太上黃籙齋儀 58 juan。By Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933) 507 (fasc. 270–277) “Liturgical Manual for the Yellow Register Retreat.” The last part of the present version contains a number of dated prefaces and colophons. The earliest date is 880 (54.26a), which corresponds to the time during which the author, then at Chang’an, had begun his work on the revision of the Lingbao liturgy. The second date is 891 (colophon to the chapter on the recitation of scriptures; 52.17a). This date is accompanied by the words: “revising the liturgy at the Diocese of Yuju 玉局治, at Chengdu.” In this colophon, Du deplores the destruction of the Tang Canon in the two capitals as a result of the rebellion of Huang Chao (880–884). The last date is 901 (57.1b). Thus, the present manual contains texts that were elaborated at different periods in the life of the author. The huanglu zhai 黃籙齋 was no doubt the liturgical service most commonly celebrated from the seventh to the thirteenth century. For Du, this Retreat could serve the most diverse purposes: peace and prosperity for the country, salvation for the ancestors, repose of the dead, prevention of natural disasters, propitiation of demons, and so on. His manual became an authoritative source for this liturgical practice and served as a model through the entire Song (960–1279) period, even when the huanglu zhai became exclusively a service for the repose of the dead. Thus Du is constantly cited and referred to by the liturgists of that period. However, those citations in their works that can be identified in the present version of Du’s manual all come from the last part (juan 49–57), whereas a great number of other citations can no longer be found and must have come from parts of the manual that are now lost. Jin Yunzhong, the author of 1223 Shangqing lingbao dafa, possessed a version of Master Du’s Huanglu zhaike 黃籙齋科 in forty juan (preface 1b) that dated from 890–892 (17.19a). This edition, according to Jin, contained some 230,000 characters (22.3a), an average of 5,750 characters per juan, filling approximately seventeen double folios in the arrangement of the present Daozang edition. This average length corresponds to the length of the last juan (especially 49, 51, 52, 53), while the juan at the beginning of the work are much shorter, averaging no more than eight folios. Moreover, the present Daozang version, although comprising a larger number of juan than the version in Jin’s possession, contains only some 190,000 characters. It must therefore be incomplete, which is also apparent from the table of contents of the manual that Jin handed down to us (39.1b–2b). Comparing this table with the contents of the present version, we see that juan 10 to 12 (service for the birth of a crown prince) and juan 40 to 48 (saving the ancestral souls from hell) did not exist in Jin’s copy. The latter opened with three chapters on the Establishment of the Altar, the Preliminary Rites, and the Nocturnal Announcement (suqi 宿啟), which the present version lacks. These three chapters are often quoted in other Song sources (see 508 Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi 2.8a–b, 16 passim, and 19.1a–7a; the remainder of juan 19 and the entire juan 20 of this work correspond to juan 56 and juan 55, respectively, in our version of Du’s manual). The remaining juan are, to judge by their titles, the same in both versions, but arranged in a different sequence. They can be divided into two groups. The first group is made up of the final juan mentioned above. Their common characteristic—their relative length—results from the fact that these are texts annotated by the author. His commentary comprises long discussions, for instance on the True Writs (zhenwen 真文; 54.1b–2b), that later because famous (cf. Jin, 1223 Shangqing lingbao dafa 18.29a–30b). But even in this group, some elements are missing. In juan 50, on the Dispersal of the Altar and the Offering (santan shejiao 散壇設醮), we no longer find the discussion of the jiao 醮 ritual quoted by Jin (39.3a–4b; compare also 508 Licheng yi 15.2b). Du’s manual, as preserved in the present Daozang version, has suffered major modifications. These modifications become all the more apparent with the second group, comprising juan 1 to 48. Here, with the exception of juan 1, the texts are completely devoid of commentary. Moreover, the rituals have been much tampered with. For example, instead of the original Invocation of Guardian Gods (weiling zhou 衛靈呪) in five verses (see 1223 Shangqing lingbao dafa 22.14a–15a), we find here the short formulas used in the luotian dajiao 羅天大醮 of the Song period (compare the beginnings of 477 Luotian dajiao zaochao ke, 478 Luotian dajiao wuchao ke, and 479 Luotian dajiao wanchao ke with those of juan 10–12 and 13–15 of the present manual). The rite of the Opening of the Incense Burner ( falu 發爐) is also very different from that used by Du Guangting (cf. 1223 Shangqing lingbao dafa 22.15b–17b). Instead, we find here a formula similar to that used in 466 Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu 16.1b and passim (compare the present text 42.1b, passim). With the exception of a few juan (54, 55, 56), the authoritative manual of the great liturgist of the Tang has come down to us in a late and altered version. A comparative study with manuals from the Song, especially those by Jin Yunzhong and Jiang Shuyu (508 Licheng yi), might help partially to reconstruct the original work. Kristofer Schipper |
3 | jinlu zhai qitan yi 金籙齋啟壇儀 | Jinlu zhai qitan yi 金籙齋啟壇儀 11 fols.。By Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933) 483 (fasc. 266) “Rites of Commencement of the Retreat of the Golden Register.” The jinlu zhai 金籙齋 should in principle be performed by the monarch himself. However, in the present text, the regulations given as to the offerings and pledges indicate the possibility that the patrons could also be ordinary people (shuren 庶人; 5a) who are allowed to spend less for the ritual. The first half of this work concerns the installation of the ritual area ( jinlu tan 金籙壇; 2a–6a). The latter is similar to that of Du Guangting’s huanglu zhai 黃籙齋 (see 508 Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi 1–2) but larger, comprising a surface of 1,800 square feet (200 square meters), surrounded by hundreds of lamps and filled with precious articles, such as five dragons in gold for the rite of Casting Dragons and Tablets (tou longjian 投龍簡) at the end of the service (see Chavannes, “Le jet des dragons”). This ritual area is consecrated by the ritual of the Nocturnal Announcement (suqi 宿啟), the text of which is given in the second half of the present work. The ritual starts with a purification of the altar ( jintan 禁壇). At the center of the ritual is the rite of installation of the True Writs of the Five Directions (Wufang zhenwen 五方真文; 8b–9b). The suqi ends with a Ceremony for the Promulgation of the Rules (shuojie weiyi 說戒威儀; 11b) to be observed during the Retreat. The present version of the suqi ritual is similar to that of Du Guangting’s suqi for the Retreat of the Yellow Register (huanglu zhai 黃籙齋), as preserved in 508 Wushang huanglu dazhai licheng yi 16. But in the present version, one part seems to be lacking: the rite of the Installation of the Officiants (buzhi 補職) that, in Du Guangting’s rituals, followed immediately after the shuojie weiyi (see Du’s own discussion concerning this point in 507 Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 53.3a–b). It should be noted that among the series of jinlu zhai rituals that follow our text in the Ming Daozang there is a unique version of the installation and promulgation rites in 486 Jinlu dazhai buzhi shuojie yi. However, the series to which the latter text belongs has another version of the suqi (484 Jinlu dazhai suqi yi), this time without the installation rite. Moreover, in the series of jinlu zhai rituals of which our text is the first item, all the other texts are of a later date, and the relationship between the present work by Du Guangting and the others is by no means clear. It should be observed, however, that only the present text contains the necessary instructions for the installation of the altar. Kristofer Schipper |
4 | lingbao liandu wuxian anling zhenshen huangzeng zhangfa 靈寶鍊度五仙安靈鎮神黃繒章法 | Lingbao liandu wuxian anling zhenshen huangzeng zhangfa靈寶鍊度五仙安靈鎮神黃繒章法 7 fols.。Tang (618–907)。1292 (fasc. 1009) “Rites for [the Presentation of] the Memorial on Yellow Silk, the Pacification of the Souls, and the Tempering of the Five Immortals.” In 369 Taishang dongxuan lingbao miedu wulian shengshi miaojing, one finds five directional Heavenly Writs that are to be inscribed on colored stones. These stones are then to be buried in the grave, in the Five Directions, in order “to keep the soul in peace and retain the spirit” (anling zhenshen 安靈鎮神). The writs are called Lingbao moudi [某帝] liandu wuxian anling zhenshen mouqi [某氣] tianwen, which explains the title of the present text. The Five Immortals are the spirits of the Five Viscera, which one must nourish and refine so that they pass (du 度) from darkness into the Southern Palace (369 Miedu jing 7b–8a). The 369 Miedu jing refers only to the rite of the petition on yellow silk (8a), but in the Dunhuang manuscript Pelliot 2865, the present text is an integral part of 369 Miedu jing. Archaeological finds reveal this ritual to have been practiced in the Tang and Song periods (960–1279) (see Morgan, “Inscribed Stones”). The present work includes the text of this petition and then describes its correct presentation. At midnight, in the place where the deceased lies in peace, the master— whose title, Dongxuan lingbao chidi xiansheng zhishen da fashi 洞玄靈寶赤帝先生至真大法師 (1a), is not otherwise known—faces north, lights five incense burners, sets out the five weights (wuzhen 五鎮), that is, the five writs of the 369 Miedu jing, and then declaims (zoushang 奏上) the petition. After having left the writs exposed throughout the night, the master buries them the next morning at dawn (5a). Bibliography: Morgan, “Inscribed Stones.” John Lagerwey |
5 | lingbao banjing zhaiyi 靈寶半景齋儀 | Lingbao banjing zhaiyi 靈寶半景齋儀 19 fols.。Tang (618–907)?。517 (fasc. 293) “Ritual for a Half-Day Retreat.” This small service comprises three Audiences to be held, respectively, at dawn (1a–5b), early in the morning (5a–10a), and late in the morning (10a–15a), as well as a Triple Libation (sanxian 三獻). The Retreat is performed for the inauguration of a newly built or restored house. The text specifically mentions the case of an official who is about to enter his new residence (18a). The libations are made to the gods of the soil, the site, and the region. There are also other offerings: incense, lamps, silk, and coins (their number is related to the patron’s Fundamental Destiny [benming 本命]). These offerings are placed at the five cardinal points. The text, moreover, mentions the presentation of pledges of faith: pieces of silver, as well as camels and horses, presumably in ceramics or made of paper (17a). The altar is surrounded by four mirrors. Moreover, Stellar Swords (xingdao 星刀) are placed on each of the cardinal points. At the end of the service, sacrificial paper money is burned (shaohua 燒化; 19b). This small service is classical in form and vocabulary. It is possible that it dates from the second half of the Tang period. Kristofer Schipper |
6 | taishang lingbao yugui mingzhen zhai chanfang yi 太上靈寶玉匱明真齋懺方儀 taishang lingbao yugui mingzhen dazhai chanfang yi 太上靈寶玉匱明真大齋懺方儀 taishang lingbao yugui mingzhen dazhai yangong yi 太上靈寶玉匱明真大齋言功儀 | Taishang lingbao yugui mingzhen zhai chanfang yi 太上靈寶玉匱明真齋懺方儀 9 fols.。519 (fasc. 293) Taishang lingbao yugui mingzhen dazhai chanfang yi太上靈寶玉匱明真大齋懺方儀 9 fols.。520 (fasc. 293) Taishang lingbao yugui mingzhen dazhai yangong yi太上靈寶玉匱明真大齋言功儀 17 fols.。By Du Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933) 521 (fasc. 293) “Retreat of the Sworn Alliance [ming 明 in the meaning of meng 盟] with the True, from the Jade Case of the Divine Jewel.” According to the definition given by Du Guangting, cited in 1224 Daomen dingzhi 6.2a, the aim of this Retreat is the release of ancestors from hell and their subsequent transfer to paradise. These three rituals are parts of a service to be celebrated under the auspices of members of the imperial family for the repose of the soul of a deceased ruler (see 521 Mingzhen dazhai yangong yi 2a). The two rituals for Atonement toward the [Ten] Directions (chanfang yi 懺方儀; 519 Mingzhen zhai chaofang yi and 520 Mingzhen dazhai chanfang yi) are similar to each other. The Announcement of [Acquired] Merit ( yangong yi 言功儀) is followed by a Presentation of Tablets (toujian yi 投簡儀; 8b–12b) and a Sacrificial Offering (shejiao 設醮; 12b–end). These three succeeding ceremonies mark the end of the Retreat. A complete program of a mengzhen zhai 盟真齋 is given in 466 Lingbao lingjiao jidu jinshu 2.7b–10a. The rituals and their texts are classical in form. A comparison between 521 Yangong yi and the same ritual in Du Guangting’s 507 Taishang huanglu zhaiyi 49 reveals many similarities. Some elements of the present ritual are nevertheless of a later date, such as the offering of paper money and horses (qianma 錢馬; in 521 Yangong yi 16a). This practice was officially adopted during the years 1008–1016 (see 1224 Daomen dingzhi 3:3a–5a). The mengzhen zhai seems to have originated with early Lingbao scriptures such as 1411 Dongxuan lingbao changye zhi fu jiuyou yugui mingzhen ke. Lu Xiujing mentions it, saying: “It is performed by the adepts themselves for the salvation of the souls of all generations of ancestors, even those who lived in the remotest past” (1278 Dongxuan lingbao wugan wen 6a). Bibliography: Chavannes, “Le jet des dragons.” Kristofer Schipper |
7 | lingbao jiuyou changye qishi duwang xuanzhang 靈寶九幽長夜起尸度亡玄章 | Lingbao jiuyou changye qishi duwang xuanzhang靈寶九幽長夜起尸度亡玄章 10 fols.。Tang (618–907)。610 (fasc. 334) “Marvelous Stanzas for Resuscitating Corpses and Saving the Dead from the Long Night of the Nine Realms of Darkness, a Lingbao Scripture.” The text is composed of twenty-six stanzas to be recited in a ritual of pardon. A Buddhist parallel to the present ritual is among the Dunhuang manuscripts: Chizhai nianfo chanhui liwen 持齋念佛懺悔禮文 (Stein 382), which is a Pure Land text. Compare also Dacheng sizhai ri 大乘四齋日 (Stein 1164). In all these rites the officiant recites the stanzas while kneeling in a given direction and making a prescribed number of prostrations. The ritual is linked to certain days of fasting (liuzhai shizhi ri 六齋十直日; 7b). The resemblance to these Buddhist rites as well as a specific vocabulary make it almost certain that the present text dates from the Tang period. In particular, Laozi is called the Great Sage (dasheng 大聖; 2a), and Taoism the Teaching of the Great Sage (dasheng jiao 大聖教; 5a). The order of the directions toward which the adept must kneel does not correspond to any established sequence, and the number of prostrations, likewise, does not correspond to the usual symbolism. John Lagerwey |
8 | taishang dongxuan lingbao wuyue shenfu 太上洞玄靈寶五嶽神符 | Taishang dongxuan lingbao wuyue shenfu 太上洞玄靈寶五嶽神符 15 fols.。Tang (618–907)。390 (fasc. 184) “Divine Talismans of the Five Peaks, from the Most High Dongxuan Lingbao Canon.” The text contains a small collection of talismans, including not only those corresponding to the deities of the Five Peaks and their zhenren (1a–7b), but also those of the White Tiger (bohu fu 白虎符; 8a–b), the Five Stabilizers (wuzhen fu 五鎮符; 8b–11b), the Great Peace (taiping fu 太平符; 11b–12b), the Powerful Virtue (weide fu 威德符; 12b–14b), and, finally, the Five Generals (wu jiangjun fu 五將軍符; 14b–15b). For the last talisman, our text gives a legendary line of transmission, from Fan Li 范蠡, the statesman of Yue 越, to empress Lü 呂 (Gaohou 高后), the spouse of Liu Bang (247–195 b.c.). The text that accompanies the talismans of the Five Peaks continuously quotes a work called “Images of the Divine Immortals.” This Shenxian tu 神仙圖 is also quoted in other texts. For instance, 1407 Dongxuan lingbao ershisi sheng tujing repeatedly cites a Lingbao shenxian tu as the source of the twenty-four sets of talismans it contains, and there exists a variant version of this revealed Lingbao scripture, called Dongxuan lingbao sanbu ershisi sheng tu (YJQQ 80), that simply has Shenxian tu. Among the twenty-four sets of talismans originating in this Shenxian tu we also find those of the Five Peaks (Shenxian wuyue zhenxing tu 神仙五嶽真形圖). Bokenkamp (“Sources of the Ling-pao scriptures,” 458–60) has shown that both this set of talismans and the others derive originally from different texts kept in Ge Hong’s library. Our conjecture is, therefore, that here too we have a Lingbao adaptation of an ancient version from that same source. Indeed, the present text contains several archaic elements. The talismans are used for the protection of the country and the king’s palace, and they are cult objects to which sacrifices ( ji 祭 or jiao 醮; 8a, 15a) should be made, especially animal sacrifices. For the wuzhen fu, the sacrifice of a water buffalo, a sheep, and a pig (sansheng wu 三牲物; 9a) is required. The cult of the Taiping fu demands horns of water buffalo and sheep, and 120 pounds of pork as a substitute form of sansheng 三牲. For the protection of the palace, our text proposes to make five statues of wax mixed with sulfur, each one fourteen inches high, to be placed in vessels that are hung from the beams of the great hall (7b). All of these elements are highly anachronistic with respect to the revealed Lingbao scriptures of the fourth and fifth centuries, and even more so with regard to later Lingbao monastic practices. They belong instead to the sphere of 388 Taishang lingbao wufu xu. The present adaptation shows no influence from any of the revealed Lingbao scriptures. It is not quoted in any Six Dynasties source. For these reasons, it seems improbable that the present version was made during the Six Dynasties period; it is more likely a product of Tang antiquarianism. Kristofer Schipper |
9 | shangqing gaoshang yuzhen zhongdao zongjian baohui 上清高上玉真眾道綜監寶諱 | Shangqing gaoshang yuzhen zhongdao zongjian baohui上清高上玉真眾道綜監寶諱 7 fols.。Tang (618–907)。443 (fasc. 198) “Comprehensive List of Precious Taboo Names of the Exalted Jade Zhenren of [the Heaven of] Supreme Purity.” The book begins with a list of taboo names of various deities, followed by a passage from a Purple Phoenix Register (Zifeng lu 紫鳳籙). Both the title of the book and the quotation of this register seem to indicate a relation to the Shangqing tradition, especially to 1372 Shangqing gaoshang yuchen fengtai qusu shangjing and to the Zifeng chishu 紫鳳赤書. The latter text is mentioned in the Jiuzhen mingke (in 1314 Dongzhen taishang suling dongyuan dayou miaojing 51b, 52a); it is, moreover, quoted in 412 Shangqing pei fuwen qingquan jue 2a and in YJQQ 7.7a, 9.11b. The Song catalogues mention a Dongzhen longjing jiuwen zifeng chishu 洞真龍景九文紫鳳赤書 in one juan (see VDL 122). In the present book, however, the Purple Phoenix Register is said to have been transmitted along with the Bawei cewen 八威策文, which is a text originally associated with the Lingbao tradition (see 352 Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing 1.24b–26a). The next section of the present book (4a–6b) is said to be derived from chapter 75 of the Jinguang mingjing 金光明經 of the Sanhuang tianwen dazi 三皇天文大字. The closing account of the regulations for the transmission of the book includes the form of a contract (qi 契; 6b–7a), in which the title of the recipient is given as dongxuan ziran wushang sandong dizi 洞玄自然無上三洞弟子. The practice of combining materials from the Three Caverns and assigning them to the use of priests ordained in the Dongxuan division is well attested in texts of the late Tang and the Five Dynasties (907–960). See, for instance, 1237 Sandong xiudao yi 6b–7a and 1239 Zhengyi xiuzhen lüeyi 11b–12a, 17a–b. Poul Andersen |
10 | taixuan bajing lu 太玄八景籙 | Taixuan bajing lu 太玄八景籙 43 fols.。Tang (618–907)。258 (fasc. 120) “Register of the Great Mysteries’ Eight Effulgences.” Exactly the same text is also found in 1407 Dongxuan lingbao ershisi sheng tujing 3a–48a. Its utilization as a register conferring initiation and ordination, as is the case here, however, did not come into use before the Tang. Hence its placement in this section. According to the explanations given in the text itself, the name of the Eight Effulgences derives from twenty-four sacred diagrams, written in “golden script and jade characters” ( jinshu yuzi 金書玉字), through spontaneous transformation of the three times eight luminous spirits of the body of the Lord Li, the Saint Who Is to Come (Housheng Lijun 後聖李君). The present register is the second in importance to be transmitted to initiates into the texts of the Lingbao canon (taishang lingbao dongxuan dizi 太上靈寶洞玄弟子; see 1125 Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi 4.8a, where the more complete title of Sanbu bajing ziran zhizhen yulu 三部八景自然至真玉籙 is given). The same register is also mentioned in 1239 Zhengyi xiuzhen lüeyi 18a (under the title Taishang bajing chentu lu 太上八景晨圖籙). Zhang Wanfu, in his catalogue of the Lingbao scriptures, mentions a Bajing neiyin 八景內音, probably referring to the present register (see 1241 Chuanshou sandong jingjie falu lüeshuo 1.8a). Fang Ling |
11 | xuhuang tianzun chuzhen shijie wen 虛皇天尊初真十戒文 | Xuhuang tianzun chuzhen shijie wen 虛皇天尊初真十戒文 8 fols.。180 (fasc. 77) “Text of the Ten Rules for the Initial Stage of Perfection, [Spoken] by the Heavenly Worthy Xuhuang.” The devotee receives this text on the occasion of his or her first initiation (kaidu 開度; 1a). In the early eighth century, Zhang Wanfu wrote that novices (xin chujia 新出家) received the chuzhen jie 初真戒, but he did not specify the number of those rules (178 Sandong zhongjie wen, preface; 1241 Chuanshou sandong jingjie falu lüeshuo 1.1b). Besides the present set, there are still other series of chuzhen jie: 339 Taishang dongxuan lingbao chujia yinyuan jing 4b–5b lists ten prohibitions and ten prescriptions, and 1237 Sandong xiudao yi 3b mentions eighty-one injunctions of the same name. The present ten rules are also found—though without the explanations that follow each injunction—in 1033 Zhiyan zong 1.6b–8a (identical with YJQQ 40.7a–8b). Apart from the explanations, our text appears to be posterior to that passage: whereas in the 1033 Zhiyan zong version the rules are pronounced by a Heavenly Zhenren (tianzhen 天真), our text is more specific in citing Xuhuang tianzun 虛皇天尊 instead of a zhenren. Rule 9, calling for loyalty, filial piety, and so on, figures as the first prescription in the present version, together with an explanation explicitly emphasizing that in the scriptures of the immortals, loyalty and piety occupy the foremost place. The passages in 1033 Zhiyan zong 1.8a on the consequences of keeping and breaking these rules are not contained in our text. The present text therefore represents a later recension of a Tang work. For a description of the usage of these rules in Quanzhen 全真 Taoism, as well as for a translation, see Hackmann, “Die Mönchsregeln,” 142–70. Hans-Hermann Schmidt |
12 | taishang santian zhengfa jing 太上三天正法經 | Taishang santian zhengfa jing 太上三天正法經 11 fols.。Tang (618–907)。1203 (fasc. 876) “The Scripture of the Correct Law of the Three Heavens.” This is a title that belongs to the Shangqing scriptures (it is mentioned in 426 Shangqing taishang basu zhenjing 4, 1331 Dongzhen shangqing shenzhou qizhuan qibian wutian jing 27b, and 1016 Zhen’gao 5.2a). The Three Heavens are the three upper heavens (which here bear names different from those in the Shangqing texts). Our work is attributed to the king of the Xiaoyou Heaven, also known as the Green Lad (Qingtong jun 青童君). The present text is not one of the Shangqing texts revealed to Yang Xi. First, most of the quotations from our text do not agree with quotations from a Santian zhengfa jing in other works (e.g., WSBY, SDZN, 1132 Sangqing dao leishi xiang, YJQQ 2.4b–8a). Only quotations from works later than WSBY, such as Xiaodao lun and YJQQ 21.1a, correspond, and only for the first page. Moreover, the present text (8b–9a) quotes 184 Taizhen yudi siji mingke jing 5.6b–7b, a text later than the Shangqing revelation. Also, except for the stanzas on pages 4a–b, the terminology and content of our text also do not correspond to those of the Shangqing school. This work must therefore be an apocryphal text of the seventh century, at the earliest. It appears to be fragmentary, containing only the preamble to a discussion of apotropaic texts, which are not included. The preamble deals with the first appearance of these texts, their subsequent transmission in the heavens (1a–5a), and the rules for those who possess them (5b–end). The Heavenly Lads and Maidens protect the adept who possesses any of these works (enumerated in 10a–b) and the regulations governing their transmission. A commentary recounting the words of the Green Lad accompanies the first two pages of our text and presents the outline of a cosmology. To supplement the material of this work, see 1395 Shangqing dadong jiuwei badao dajing miaolu, 412 Shangqing pei fuwen qingquan jue, 413 Shangqing pei fuwen boquan jue, and 414 Shangqing pei fuwen jiangquan jue. Bibliography: Ozaki Masao, “Taijô santen seihô-kyô,” 304–9. Isabelle Robinet |
13 | dongzhen gaoshang yudi dadong ciyi yujian wulao baojing 洞真高上玉帝大洞雌一玉檢五老寶經 | Dongzhen gaoshang yudi dadong ciyi yujian wulao baojing 洞真高上玉帝大洞雌一玉檢五老寶經 58 fols.。Tang (618–907)。1313 (fasc. 1025) “Precious Scripture on the Female One and Five Elders.” The title refers to the Sansu yuanjun 三素元君 (Ladies of the Ciyi 雌一), feminine divinities dwelling in the Palace of the Golden Flower, situated in the brain, as well as to the wulao 五老 (spirits of the registers). The present work groups together various methods, taken probably from different sources of varying degrees of authenticity with respect to the original Shangqing revelation, and relates them to these feminine divinities. The methods are all old, antedating WSBY (sixth century), which frequently quotes them; they are often presented as formulas accompanying sacred writings. Overall, the presentation accords perfectly with Shangqing terminology and its pantheon, suggesting that this work dates from a period shortly after the revelation. However, the present form of the text, which is mentioned in the ancient anthologies under various titles, is probably later than the seventh century. The text comprises: procedures supplementary to the Dadong zhenjing 大洞真經 (1a–19a and 57b–58b); meditation methods related to the Ladies of Ciyi (19b–24a and 43b–53b); a “long” version of Dongfang jing 洞房經, more complete and probably more authentic than 133 Taishang dongfang neijing zhu (24a–27b); instructions that are also found, in part, in 1330 Dongzhen taiyi dijun taidan yinshu dongzhen xuanjing (37b–42b); passages from 1016 Zhen’gao (27a–31b); and a long fragment of a method (53b–57b) that at one time was part of 1376 Shangqing taishang dijun jiuzhen zhongjing but that no longer appears in that work. All these texts and methods aim at having one’s name inscribed on the Heavenly Registers or at untying the knots of predestined death. Isabelle Robinet |
14 | dongzhen taishang sanyuan liuzhu jing 洞真太上三元流珠經 | Dongzhen taishang sanyuan liuzhu jing 洞真太上三元流珠經 7 fols.。Tang (618–907)。1318 (fasc. 1027) “Scripture on the Three Principles and the Moving Pearl.” The title of this work refers to the divinities of the Moving Pearl (liuzhu 流珠) Palace, located in the brain. It also refers to meditation-related practices. But this composite work only partly fits the title. The earliest mention of it is found in 1314 Dongzhen taishang suling dongyuan dayou miaojing 15b and in the biography of Maojun 茅君 (see 304 Maoshan zhi 5.13a). The first page deals with the Moving Pearl Palace; it may be a fragment of a text concerning meditation on this palace. It is this section that probably gives our work its present title. However, the essential part is missing. The charms (1b–3a) are also found in 81 Dongzhen taiwei huangshu tiandi jun shijing jinyang sujing 5a, as indicated (1b). The rest of the text is made up of passages taken from 1016 Zhen’gao. Isabelle Robinet |
15 | dongzhen xi wang mu baoshen qiju jing 洞真西王母寶神起居經 | Dongzhen xi wang mu baoshen qiju jing 洞真西王母寶神起居經 19 fols.。Tang (618–907)。1319 (fasc. 1027) “Scripture of the Queen Mother of the West for Cherishing Spirits and [Regulating] Comportment.” This work takes its title and a good part of its material from 1016 Zhen’gao. The latter, in fact, contains a Baoshen jing revealed by Pei jun 裴君 to Tao Hongjing, described as “not having appeared in the world.” Thus the present work is not one of the texts revealed to and recorded by Yang Xi. The only texts revealed to Yang under this title are the fragments in 1016 Zhen’gao. The present work, then, consists of a collection of revelations made to Yang Xi and presented under a title that corresponds only to the beginning of the text. This first part may be no more than the remnant of a much larger collection. Nevertheless, the title fits the contents of the work as a whole inasmuch as this text lays out rules and rituals for the adept to observe in daily life. Most of the passages in this collection (1a–12b and 14a–16b) are taken from texts in 1016 Zhen’gao, though there are sometimes important differences in wording. Other paragraphs (12b–14a) not found in the Zhen’gao are presented as texts revealed to Yang Xi by the same divinities and are written in the same vein as those in the Zhen’gao. The end of the work (16b–18b) is also similar to 426 Shangqing taishang basu zhenjing 26b–28; the last two instructions probably derive from a different source. The Dunhuang manuscript Pelliot 2576, lines 13–end, is identical to the present text, except that pages 8a–11b are lacking. Isabelle Robinet |
16 | dongzhen taishang shuo zhihui xiaomo zhenjing 洞真太上說智慧消魔真經 | Dongzhen taishang shuo zhihui xiaomo zhenjing 洞真太上說智慧消魔真經 5 juan。Tang (618–907)。1344 (fasc 1032) “Scripture of Wisdom That Annihilates Demons.” This scripture comprises texts from various periods. The first two juan are exorcistic texts. The three remaining juan contain statements on wisdom expounded in a Buddho-Taoist terminology. The whole work may have been assembled during the Tang period, as suggested by quotations found in 1129 Daojiao yishu 5.2a (corresponding in the present text to 3.3a), 104 Shangqing dadong zhenjing yujue yinyi 3b (2.5b here), and YJQQ 49.1a–b (5b–6a in the present text). The first juan of this work constitutes the Xiaomo jing 消魔經 of the Shangqing corpus. Other scriptures bearing the same name also belong in principle to the Shangqing corpus but were “never fully revealed.” They are merely quoted in 1016 Zhen’gao. Yet another set of Xiaomo jing belong to the Lingbao school. The 184 Taizhen yudi siji mingke jing 3.6b attributes seven juan to our scripture, as does the present work itself (1–2b, 4b). In reality, these are nonrevealed chapters (see 1.3b and 4b). Page 1.3b mentions only one juan. The first juan contains an introduction, probably of a later date, and a “preface” (4b–5a), which is quoted by 1016 Zhen’gao (18.6a3–5 and 13.4a4, corresponding to 4b10, 5a2, and 5b10 in the present text). The preface can also be found, in part, in 184 Mingke jing (1.5a–b). There only the passage dealing with the organization of the Infernal Offices ( guan 官) is included. The introduction is followed by hymns, the first of which (6a–11a) relates the revelation of the scripture in Heaven. These hymns are closely related to the Dadong yujing zhujue 大洞玉經注訣 (quoted under this title in 1130 Daodian lun 4.16b, corresponding to 1.8b in the present text; this part is also found in 1360 Shangqing jiutian shangdi zhu baishen neiming jing). The remainder of the text consists of a hierarchical enumeration of drugs and medicinal plants that expel demons and illnesses. This list has been incorporated into numerous other texts (1360 Neiming jing 3b–7a; 292 Han Wudi neizhuan 6a–7b; Youyang zazu 2.4b–5a; it was also incorporated in the Daoji jing 道跡經; see WSBY 78.3b–6a). For juan 2, see 1334 Dongzhen taishang shenhu yinwen, which contains the same text. Isabelle Robinet |
17 | shangqing dongtian sanwu jin’gang xuanlu yijing 上清洞天三五金剛玄籙儀經 | Shangqing dongtian sanwu jin’gang xuanlu yijing上清洞天三五金剛玄籙儀經 30 fols.。Tang (618–907)。1390 (fasc. 1046) “Scripture Concerning the Shangqing Register of the Three-Five Vajra Bearers from the Cavern-Heavens.” This text belongs—to judge by its terminology, the names of its deities, and other details—to the Jinming qizhen 金明七真 group. In form and structure this text is similar to 1388 Shangqing jinzhen yuhuang shangyuan jiutian zhenling sanbai liushiwu bu yuanlu; it gives instructions concerning the documents and rites for the transmission of the Register of the Three Generals, named Ge 葛, Tang 唐, and Zhou 周. The model for this register is undoubtedly the Sanyuan jiangjun lu 三元將軍籙, listed in Tang sources under the ordination hierarchy of the Zhengyi organization (see, e.g., 1239 Zhengyi xiuzhen lüeyi 5b and 1125 Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi 4.6a). The personal names of the generals are, however, modified in the present text (cf., e.g., 1212 Jiao sandong zhenwen wufa zhengyi mengwei lu licheng yi 12b–13a). The transmission of the register is accompanied by the splitting of a symmetrical contract into two halves (sanwu qi 三五契) and by the transmission of a fu and an inscribed ceremonial tablet (ceban 策板). The modifications in the wording of the formulas and documents, when compared to the original Zhengyi models, correspond exactly to those in 1388 Jiutian zhenling sanbai liushiwu bu lu. Ursula-Angelika Cedzich |
18 | dongzhen taishang daojun yuandan shangjing 洞真太上道君元丹上經 | Dongzhen taishang daojun yuandan shangjing 洞真太上道君元丹上經 41 fols.。1345 (fasc. 1032) “Superior Scripture of the Mysterious Cinnabar.” This text states that it was transmitted by the Great Lord Green Lad (Qingtong dajun 青童大君). It takes its title (read xuan 玄 for yuan 元) from the name of a palace situated in the brain. The work is divided into three distinct parts, of which the first and the third are also found in 1314 Dongzhen taishang suling dongyuan dayou miaojing. Part 1 (1a–12b) is similar to 12b–22a of the latter. It deals with the contemplation of the palaces in the brain and of their divinities. The third part (20a–end) is the Xuandu jiuzhen mingke 玄都九真明科 found in 1314 Dayou miaojing 46b–end. The same title is found in 1409 Taishang jiuzhen mingke. The second part (12a–20a), however, which follows on the first part without transition, is a text of completely different origin, with the marks of the One and Orthodox [zhengyi] Way of the Heavenly Masters: it gives the names of the Nine Heavens and the Nine Earths, none of which accord with those listed in Shangqing texts. Isabelle Robinet |
19 | dongzhen taishang badao mingji jing 洞真太上八道命籍經 | Dongzhen taishang badao mingji jing 洞真太上八道命籍經 2 juan。1328 (fasc. 1029) “Scripture of the Tablets of Life of the Eight Ways.” This scripture is mentioned in 184 Taizhen yudi siji mingke jing 2.8b. The “eight ways” are the solar and lunar orbits (1a–b); they give their name to a practice described in the beginning of the text (1.1a–3b) that is based, in an extremely simplified form, on the Eight Tablets of the Mysterious Mother (Xuanmu bajian 玄母八簡) found in 1323 Dongzhen taishang basu zhengjing fushi riyue huanghua jue 23a–25b. This part of the text is also found in YJQQ 51.1a–3b. The description of this practice is followed (4a–b) by general remarks on the interdependence of being and nonbeing ( you 有 and wu 無) and on life and death. There follows (6a–12b) a list of the causes of various disasters and failures and of the means to remedy them through rites of expiation. The first juan ends with a colophon stating that it was received by the Lady Wei Huacun. The second juan is devoted to a ritual very much resembling the Shangqing ritual of the Three Originals (sanyuan 三元). This juan reproduces a number of passages from Shangqing texts or apocrypha (2.7a–9b: 1379 Shangqing yudi qisheng xuanji huitian jiuxiao jing; 10b–11b: 1352 Dongzhen taishang taixiao langshu 6.30b–31a and 1324 Dongzhen taishang basu zhenjing dengtan fuzha miao jue 7a–b; 21a–23b: 1352 Taixiao langshu 10.2b–5b; 27b–29a: 1317 Dongzhen shangqing kaitian santu qixing yidu jing2.14a–15b). This work can therefore be considered a Shangqing apocryphal text, dating from before 184 Taizhen yudi siji mingke jing and after 1352 Taixiao langshu 10, which it cites explicitly. It is one of the texts testifying to the early ritualization of the Shangqing school. Isabelle Robinet |
20 | taiwei dijun ershisi shen huiyuan jing 太微帝君二十四神回元經 | Taiwei dijun ershisi shen huiyuan jing 太微帝君二十四神回元經 6 fols.。Tang (618–907)。1455 (fasc. 1064) “Scripture of the Twenty-four Spirits That Return to the Origin, Revealed by the Sovereign Lord of the Great Tenuity.” Although this meditation manual on the twentyfour original spirits of the body has been included only in the 1607 supplement to the Ming canon, it is no doubt an ancient text. The practice of visualizing the spirits of the body—eight for each of the three levels (sanbu bashen 三部八神)—is well known from the Shangqing scriptures, and the names and descriptions of the deities as they are given here correspond entirely to those found in a number of Six Dynasties texts (see Robinet, La révélation du Shangqing, 75). The title of the present work cannot be found, however, in the bibliographical sources at our disposal for the early period. The Gaoshang baoshen mingke jing 高上寶神明科經 quoted on 2b is equally unknown. As it is unlikely that this work was composed during the Song (960–1279), it has tentatively been given a place here. The text describes the twenty-four deities and quotes the invocations to be pronounced when visualizing them. Kristofer Schipper |